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EDITED  BY 

Professor  CHARLES  F.  KENT,  Ph.D.,  o/  Yale  Universify 

AND 

Professor  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  VYi,T>.,  formerly  of 
Yale  University 


Sfolume  VI. 


A     HISTORY 

OF   THE 

BABYLONIANS    AND    ASSYRIANS 


pc/7B-» 


C^e  i^isitottcal  ^crfcjs  for  TBible  ^tuoentss 

Edited  by  Professor  CHARLES  F.  KENT,  Ph.D.,  of  Yale  University,  and 
Profei&or  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  Ph.D.,  formerly  of  Yale  University 


IN  response  to  a  widespread  demand  for  non-technical  yet  scholarly  and  reli- 
able guides  to  the  study  of  the  history,  literature,  and  teaching  of  the  Old 
and  Tsiew  Testaments,  and  of  the  contemporary  history  and  literature,  this  series 
aims  to  present  in  concise  and  attractive  form  the  results  of  investigation  ^nd 
exploration  in  these  broad  fields.  Based  upon  thoroughly  critical  scholarship,  it 
will  emphasize  assured  and  positive  rather  than  transitional  positions.  The  series 
as  a  whole  is  intended  to  present  a  complete  and  connected  picture  of  the  social, 
political,  and  religious  life  of  the  men  and  peoples  who  figure  most  prominently  in 
the  biblical  records. 

Each  volume  will  be  complete  in  itself,  treating  comprehensively  a  given  sub- 
ject or  period.  It  will  also  refer  freely  to  the  biblical  and  monumental  sources,- 
and  to  the  standard  authorities.  Convenience  of  size,  clearness  of  presentation, 
and  helpfulness  to  the  student,  will  make  the  series  particularly  well  adapted  for 
(i)  practical  text-books  for  college,  seminary,  and  university  classes;  (2)  hand- 
books for  the  use  of  Bible  classes,  clubs,  and  guilds;  (3)  guides  for  individual 
Study;  and  (4)  books  for  general  reference. 


I.  HISTORY   OF    THE   HEBREW   PEOPLE. 

X.    The  United  Kingdom.    Sixth  edi-        Charles  F.  Kent,  Ph.D.,   Professor  of 
tion.  Biblical  Literature,  Yale  University. 

a.    The  Divided  Kingdom.    Sixth  edi- 
tion. 

II.  HISTORY   OF  THE  JEWISH    PEOPLE. 

3.  The  Babylonian,  Persian,  and  Greek        Charles    F.  Kent,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of 

Periods.  Biblical  Literature,  Yale  University. 

4.  The  Maccabean  and  Roman  Period        James  S.  Riggs,  D.D.,   Professor  of  Bib- 
(including  New  Testament  Times).  lical  Criticism,  Auburn  Theological  Sem- 
inary. 

III.    CONTEMPORARY   OLD   TESTAMENT    HISTORY. 

5.  History  of  the  Egyptians.  James   H.    Breasted,    Ph.D.,   Assistant 

Professor    of    Semitic     Languages    and 
Egyptology,  The  University  of  Chicago. 

6.  History  of  the   Babylonians  and        George  S.  Goodspeed,  Ph.D.,   Professor 

Assyrians.      .  of  Ancient  History,   The  University  of 

Chicago. 

IV.    NEW  TESTAMENT  HISTORIES. 

7.  The  Life  of  Jesus.  Rush  Rhees,  President  of  the  University 

of  Rochester. 
I.    The  Apostolic  Age.  George  T.  Purves,   Ph.D.,   D.D.,  late 

^  Professor  of  New  Testament  Literature 

and    Exegesis,     Princeton     Theological 
Seminary. 

V.    OUTLINES   FOR   THE   STUDY   OF   BIBLICAL 
HISTORY   AND   LITERATURE. 

9.    From  Earliest  Times  to  the  Cap-        Fkank  K.  S.^nders,    Ph.D.,    Professor 

tivJty.  of  Biblical  Literature,  Yale  University. 

IQ.    Prom  the  Exile  to  300  A.D. 

Volumes  i,  2,  3,  4,  6,  7,  and  8  Now  Ready. 


PREFACE 

The  preparation  of  this  volume  has  occupied  a  much 
longer  time  than  was  anticipated  when  the  invitation 
of  the  editors  to  contribute  to  this  series  was  accepted. 
The  new  materials,  constantly  supplied  by  the  inde- 
fatigable activity  of  excavators  and  by  the  scientific 
investigation  of  philological  and  historical  scholars, 
require  the  unceasing  adjustment,  enlargement,  and 
revision  of  historical  conclusions,  and  force  one  quite 
to  despair  of  reaching  anything  like  finality.  The  his- 
torian of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  therefore,  must  be 
satisfied  to  sum  up  fairly  and  fully  the  information  at 
present  in  hand  without  undue  appreciation  of  new 
and  tentative  theories.  Accordingly,  the  present  work 
finds  its  justification  in  the  desirability  of  putting  a 
compact,  popular,  and  fairly  comprehensive  sketch  of 
the  history  of  these  ancient  states,  as  it  is  to-day  con- 
ceived, into  the  hands  of  all  who  are  interested  in  the 
progress  of  human  civilization  in  its  earliest  stages, 
and  especially  in  the  development  of  the  peoples  who 
came  into  so  close  relations  with  the  Hebrews.  It  is 
becoming  increasingly  evident  that  the  Old  Testament 
in  all  its  elements, —  literary,  historical,  and  religious — 
cannot  be  adequately  understood  without  relating  them 
to  the  history  of  all  the  peoples  round  about  Israel, 
and  especially  to  that  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyri- 


Vlll  PREFACE 

ans,  who  exercised  so  potent  and  permanent  an  influ- 
ence upon  the  fortunes  and  the  thoughts  of  the  Chosen 
People. 

A  word  is  desirable  concerning  some  special  features 
of  the  book. 

(1)  The  "  Bibliography  "  does  not  pretend  to  be  com- 
plete, but  only  to  contain  the  outstanding  works  in  the 
vast  field. 

(2)  The  "  References "  are  intended  not  merely  to 
aid  the  reader  in  widening  the  range  of  his  knowledge 
of  facts  and  details  concerning  the  subject  under  con- 
sideration, but  also  to  guide  him  in  special  investigation 
of  important  topics. 

(3)  The  spelling  of  the  proper  names  does  not  rigidly 
follow  any  body  of  principles.  When  a  name  has  be- 
come domesticated  in  a  popular  form,  that  form  has 
usually  been  chosen.  Otherwise  it  has  been  sought 
to  give  an  orthographically  accurate  reproduction  of 
the  original.  Often,  at  the  first  use  of  a  name,  hyphens 
have  been  employed  to  indicate  its  component  parts. 
In  the  index  of  persons  and  places,  an  attempt,  doubt- 
less quite  imperfect,  has  been  made  to  indicate  the 
proper  pronunciation  of  each  name.  No  one  can  be 
more  cognizant  than  the  author  of  the  inadequate  re- 
sults achieved  in  respect  to  the  whole  matter. 

(4)  The  map  has  been  prepared  with  the  purpose  of 
indicating  the  larger  number  of  the  places  mentioned 
in  the  text.  Accordingly,  some  localities,  the  positions 
of  which  with  our  present  knowledge  can  be  deter- 
mined only  tentatively,  have  been  set  down  with  what 
may  seem  to  scholars  not  a  little  audacity.  The  de- 
sirability of  being  able  to  follow  the  description  of  a 
campaign  or  to  fix  the  location  of  a  city  mentioned 


PREFACE  IX 

has  induced  me  to  run  the  risk  of  seeming  to  be  wise 
above  what  is  known. 

My  obligations  to  the  scholars  who  for  half  a  cen- 
tury have  been  working  in  the  Assyriological  field  are 
manifest  on  every  page  of  this  work.  Special  mention 
should,  however,  be  made  where  unusual  service  has 
been  rendered,  although  I  despair  of  making  anything 
like  complete  acknowledgment.  Abundant  use  has 
been  made  of  the  admirable  series  of  translations 
contained  in  the  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Literature, 
edited  by  Professor  R.  F.  Harper.  I  am  grateful  to  my 
colleague  and  friend,  Professor  Harper,  for  the  cordial 
way  in  which  he  has  assented  to  my  request  to  employ 
these  translations.  To  my  colleagues,  Professors  Ira 
M.  Price  and  Benjamin  Terry,  who  have  read  the 
proofs  of  the  work  throughout  with  critical  and  pains- 
taking zeal,  I  am  indebted  far  more  than  words  can 
express  for  their  invaluable  assistance.  I  am  likewise 
under  obligation  to  my  uncle,  Dr.  T.  W.  Goodspeed, 
who  has  rendered  a  similar  service  in  connection  with 
the  manuscript.  I  have  been  favored  with  the  gen- 
erous help  of  another  colleague.  Professor  W.  Muss- 
Arnolt,  who  has  placed  at  my  disposal  his  admirable 
bibliographical  knowledge  and  his  wide  and  thorough 
acquaintance  with  the  Assyrian  field.  If  the  work  shall 
be  found  to  represent,  in  some  approximate  measure, 
the  present  standard  of  Assyriological  science,  and  to 
be  reasonably  free  from  faults  of  expression,  the  result 
is  due  in  large  part  to  the  genial  and  sympathetic  ser- 
vice of  these  friends,  although  they  are  not  to  be  held 
accountable  for  either  its  defects  or  its  opinions.  To 
the  editors  of  the  series  to  which  the  volume  belongs 
I  would  express  my  thanks  for  their  encouragement 


X  PREFACE 

and  criticism  in  the  course  of  its  preparation ;  to  the 
publishers,  Messrs.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  for  their 
generous  co-operation  in  securing  its  typographical  ex- 
cellence, and  to  the  many  friends  who  have  shown  so 
warm  an  interest  in  the  appearance  of  the  book.  I 
hope  that  to  some  extent  it  may  serve  the  cause  of 
sound  learning,  and  be  worthy,  both  in  spirit  and  con- 
tent, to  stand  beside  the  preceding  volumes  of  the 
series. 

G.  S.  G. 

The  Ukiversity  of  Chicago, 
August,  1902. 


Since  the  appearance  of  the  first  edition  of  this  book  some 
new  discoveries  have  been  made,  chief  among  which  has  been 
that  of  the  Stele  of  Khammurabi.  This  important  document 
has  not,  however,  caused  any  material  correction  in  our  views 
of  Babylonian  life  and  history,  but  merely  enlarged  the  details 
'  )ur  knowledge.  Time  has  not  permitted,  nor  has  necessity 
reij[uired,  any  considerable  changes  in  the  text  of  this  volume. 
Some  "Additions  and  Corrections"  to  the  first  edition  will  be 
found  on  page  xiv.  For  most  of  the  emendations  the  author  is 
indebted  to  reviewers,  whose  interest  in  the  volume,  in  most 
cases  friendly,  he  here  acknowledges  heartily,  and  particularly 
to  his  colleague,  Dr.  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  who  has  placed  at  the 
author's  disposal  the  results  of  a  careful  reading  of  the  pages 
of  the  first  edition. 

G.  S.  G. 
December,  1903. 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION 

Page 

I.  The  Laxds  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris     .  3 

II.  The  Excavations  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria  14^ 

III.  The  Language  and  Literature 25    . 

IV.  Chronology  and  History 37 


PART   I 

THE  CITY  STATES  OF  BABYLONIA  AND  THEIR  UNIFICATION 
UNDER   BABYLON   TO   2000   B.  C. 

I.   The  Dawn  of  History 49 

II.   Movements  toward  Expansion  and  Unifica- 
tion     57 

III.  Civilization    of    Old    Babylonia:    Political 

AND  Social  Life 71 

IV.  Civilization  of  Old  Babylonia:  Literature,  V 

Science,  Art,  and  Religion 86 

V.    The     Times    op    Khammurabi     of    Babylon. 

2300-2100  B.  c 107  ■* 


/ 


Xn  CONTENTS 

PART   II 

THE   KISE    OF   ASSYRIA   AND    ITS    STRUGGLES   WITH 

KASSITE   BABYLONIA 

Paok 
I.   The  Kassite  Conquest  of  Babylonia  and  the 

Appearance  of  Assyria.     2000-1500  b.  c.     .     121 
II.   The  Early  Conflicts  of  Babylonia  and  As- 
syria.    1500-1150  B.  c 131 

III.  Civilization    and    Culture    in  the   Kassite 

Period 143 

IV.  The  Times  of  Tiglathpileser  I.     1100  b.  c.  .     isb" 

1^ 

PART   III 

THE   ASCENDANCY   OF   ASSYRIA 

I.   The  Ancient  World   at   the   Beginning   of 

THE  First  Millennium.     1000  b.  c 177 

II.     ASHURNA^IRPAL     III.     AND     THE      CoNQUEST     OF 

Mesopotamia.     885-860  b.  c 185 

III.    The   Advance  into   Syria  and  the   Rise  of 
Urartu  :    from    Shalmaneser    II.    to    the 

Fall  of  his  House.    860-745  b.  c 203 

lY.    The  Assyrian  Revival.     Tiglathpileser  III. 

AND  Shalmaneser  IV.     745-722  b.  c.     .     .     .     223 
V.    The  Assyrian  Empire  at   its  Height.    Sar- 

GON  II.     722-705  b.  C 213 

YI.    The    Struggle    for    Imperial    Unity.      Sen- 
nacherib.    705-681  B.  c f  65 

VII.    Imperial    Expansion    and    Division.      Esar- 

HADDON.     C81-668  B.c 284 


CONTENTS  Xlll 

Paqe 

VIII.   The  Last  Days  of  Splendor.     Ashurbanipal. 

668-626  B.c 302 

IX.    The  Fall  of  Assyria.     626-606  b.  c.       ...     320 

PART   IV 

THE   NEW   BABYLONIAN   (OR   KALDEAN)   EMPIRE  \ 

I.  The  Heirs  of  Assyria 33^3 

II.  Nebuchadpszzar  and  his  Successors    .     .     .  337 

III.  Babylonia  unde.i  the  Kaldeans 351 

IV.  The  Fall  of  Babylon       367 

Chronological  Summary 377' 

A  Selected  Bibliography 385 

References 393 

Index  of  Names  and  Subjects 405 

Index  of  Old  Testament  References 422 

Map  —  The  Would  of  Oriental  Antiquity  Frontispiece 
Plans  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon  .  .  Opposite  page  278 
Additions  and  Corrections xiy 


4" 


ADDITIONS  AND  CORRECTIONS 

P.  34,  lines  5-7  from  top.  Since  these  words  were  written 
the  code  of  Khammurabi  of  Babylon  has  been  discovered  (see 
below). 

P.  107.  In  the  winter  of  1901-1902  the  French  explorer  De 
Morgan  discovered  at  Susa  a  broken  stele  about  eight  feet  high, 
which  was  found  to  contain  the  law-code  of  king  Khammurabi. 
After  a  prologue  of  about  300  lines,  containing  a  glorification  of 
the  king  for  his  services  to  the  gods  and  the  care  of  his  subjects, 
follows  a  series  of  laws  which  is  estimated  to  have  contained 
originally  some  282  separate  regulations.  Some  247  are  now 
legible.  The  code  is  concerned  little,  if  at  all,  with  religious 
matters;  the  chief  content  is  almost  entirely  civil  and  criminal, 
dealing  with  such  subjects  as  marriage,  the  family,  property 
rights,  agricultural  and  commercial  activities. 

P.  115,  lines  5-9  from  bottom.  The  Stele  of  Khammurabi 
declares  that  the  king  restored  the  temple  at  Nippur.  Hence 
Hilprecht  regards  the  ruins  as  due  to  an  unrecorded  Elamite  in- 
vasion. See,  also,  the  American  Journal  of  Theology,  vol.  vii. 
p.  725. 

In  the  map  in  the  front  of  the  volume  the  site  of  Eridu  is  to 
be  placed  further  down  the  river  and  on  the  western  side. 


INTRODUCTION 


THE  LANDS   OF  THE  EUPHRATES   AND   TIGRIS 

1.  In  the  lofty  table-land  of  Armenia,  lying  some 
seven  thousand  feet  above  sea  level,  and  guarded  on  the 
south  by  mountain  walls,  the  rivers  Tigris  and  Euphra- 
tes have  their  origin.  Breaking  through  the  southern 
range,  the  one  stream  on  its  eastern,  the  other  on  its 
western  flank,  they  flow  at  first  speedily  down  a 
steep  incline  from  an  altitude  of  eleven  hundred  feet 
in  a  general  southeaster]^  direction,  draw  closer  to  one 
another  as  they  descend,  and,  after  traversing  a  region 
measuring  as  the  crow  flies  over  eight  hundred  miles 
in  length,  issue  as  one  stream  into  the  Persian  gulf. 
This  region  from  the  northern  mountains  to  the 
southern  sea,  dominated  and  nourished  by  the  two 
rivers,  is  the  scene  of  the  historical  development  to  be 
traced  in  this  volume.  A  striking  difference  in  geo- 
logical structure  divides  it  into  two  parts  of  nearly 
equal  length.  For  the  first  four  hundred  miles  the 
country  falls  off  from  the  mountains  in  a  gentle  slope. 
The  difference  in  elevation  between  the  northern  and 
southern  extremities  aggregates  about  a  thousand 
feet.  A  plain  of  "  secondary  formation  "  is  thus  made, 
composed  of  limestone  and  selenite,  through  which 
the  rivers  have  cut  their  way.  From  this  point  to  the 
gulf  succeeds  a  flat  alluvial  district,  the  product  of 


4  INTRODUCTION 

the  deposit  of  the  rivers,  made  up  of  sand,  pebbles, 
elay,  and  loam,  upon  which  the  rivers  have  built  their 
channels  and  over  which  they  spread  their  waters  in 
the  season  of  inundation. 

2.  The  former  of  these  two  divisions  was  called  by 
the  Greeks  Mesopotamia,  a  term  which  they  probably 
borrowed  from  the  Semites,  to  whom  the  district,  or 
at  least  a  part  of  it,  was  known  in  Hebrew  phrase  as 
Aram  naJiarayim^  "Aram  of  the  two  rivers,"  or  to 
the  Arameans  as  Beth  naharin,  "  region  (house)  of  the 
rivers."  Marked  out  by  the  rivers  and  the  northern 
mountains  into  an  irregular  triangle,  drifting  out  over 
the  Euphrates  into  the  desert  on  the  southwest,  and  ris- 
ing over  the  Tigris  to  the  Zagros  mountains  on  the  east 
and  northeast,  this  region  occupies  an  area  of  more  than 
fifty-five  thousand  square  miles,  in  size  about  equal  to 
the  State  of  Illinois.  Its  physical  contour  and  charac- 
teristics separate  it  into  two  fairly  well-defined  districts. 
In  the  northern  and  higher  portion,  isolated  ranges, 
thrown  off  from  the  central  chains,  diversify  the  plain, 
which  is  watered  by  the  mountain  streams  gather- 
ing into  rivers  of  considerable  size,  like  the  Balikh 
and  the  Khabur.  Limestone  and,  in  some  places, 
volcanic  rock  form  the  basis  of  a  fertile  soil.  South 
and  southeast  of  the  Khabur  the  waters  cease,  gypsum 
and  marl  predominate,  and  the  plain,  down  to  the 
beginning  of  the  alluvium,  becomes  a  veritable  steppe, 
the  home  of  wandering  Bedouin.  The  northern  part, 
at  least  that  west  and  north  of  the  Khabur,  was  prob- 
ably the  region  known  to  the  Egyptians  as  Nahrina, 
and  in  the  Roman  period  constituted  the  province  of 
Mesopotamia.  On  the  other  hand,  Xenophon  seems 
to   call  the   southern  portion  Arabia;    the   term    Is 


THE  BABYLONIAN  PLAIN  5 

a  striking  evidence  of  the  character  of  the  district  as 
steppe  land,  hardly  to  be  distinguished  from  the  west- 
ern desert,  and  occupied  by  the  same  wandering  tribes. 
3.  The  second  and  southern  division  of  the  great 
Tigro-Euphrates  valley  is  entirely  the  gift  of  the 
rivers,  a  shifting  delta,  over  which  they  pour  them- 
selves from  the  higher  and  solider  formation  of  Meso- 
potamia. The  proximity  of  the  mountains  in  the 
northeast  gives  the  whole  plain  a  southwestern  slope 
with  the  result  that  the  Euphrates  has  spread  over  a 
portion  of  the  southwestern  desert  and  thereby  added 
a  considerable  district  to  the  proper  alluvial  region. 
Moreover,  the  process  of  land-making  still  continues 
in  the  south,  the  waters  of  the  gulf  being  pushed 
back  at  the  rate  of  about  seventy-two  feet  every  year. 
At  present,  this  division  comprises  about  thirty  thou- 
sand square  miles,  but  calculations,  based  upon  the 
increase  of  the  land  about  the  Persian  gulf,  make  it 
appear  that  in  the  ancient  period  it  contained  only 
twenty-three  thousand  square  miles.  Thus  it  was 
about  equal  in  area  to  the  southern  half  of  the  State 
of  Louisiana,  which  it  also  resembled  in  being  largely 
made  up  of  alluvial  and  swampy  districts  that  are  the 
deltas  of  river  systems.  It  lay  also  between  the  same 
degrees  of  latitude  (about  30-33°  N.).  This  was  the 
land  known  to  the  Greeks,  from  the  name  of  its 
capital  city,  Babylon,  as  Babylonia.  It  is  an  "  inter- 
minable moorland,"  slightly  undulating  in  the  central 
districts  and  falling  away  imperceptibly  toward  the 
south  into  swamps  and  marshes,  where  the  waters  of 
the  rivers  and  the  gulf  meet  and  are  indistinguishable. 
The  plain  also  stretches  away  toward  the  east,  as 
in  Mesopotamia,  beyond  the  Tigris  for  a  distance  of 


6  INTRODUCTION 

from  thirty  to  fifty  miles,  until  it  meets  the  mountains ; 
while,  on  the  western  side,  across  the  Euphrates,  it 
merges  into  the  desert  at  a  distance  of  twenty  or 
thirty  miles,  where  a  line  of  low  hills  checks  the 
river's  overflow  and  gathers  it  into  lakes  and  morasses. 
4.  In  these  regions  of  Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia, 
so  diversified  in  physical  characteristics,  the  one  essen- 
tial unifying  element  was  the  rivers.  To  them  a  large 
section  of  the  land  owed  its  existence ;  the  fertility  and 
the  prosperity  of  the  whole  was  dependent  upon  them ; 
they  were  the  chief  means  of  communication,  the  main 
channels  of  trade,  the  distributors  of  civilization.  It 
was  in  recognition  of  this  that  the  ancient  inhabitants 
called  the  Euphrates  "  the  life  of  the  land,"  and  the 
Tigris  "  the  bestower  of  blessing."  Both  are  inunda- 
ting rivers,  nourished  by  mountain  snows.  Yet,  though 
they  lie  so  near  together  and  finally  become  one,  they 
exhibit  many  striking  differences.  The  Euphrates  is 
the  longer.  It  rises  on  the  northern  side  of  the  Taurus 
range  and  winds  its  way  through  the  plateau  in  a 
southwesterly  direction  as  though  making  for  "the 
Mediterranean  which  is  only  a  hundred  miles  away. 
At  about  latitude  37°  30',  it  turns  due  south  and  breaks 
into  the  plain.  It  runs  in  this  direction  for  a  hun- 
dred miles,  then  bending  around  toward  the  east,  finds 
at  last  its  true  southeastern  course  and,  covering  in 
all  a  distance  of  seventeen  hundred  and  eighty  miles, 
unites  with  the  Tigris  and  the  sea.  Unlike  most  great 
rivers,  its  lower  course  is  less  full  and  majestic  than 
its  upper  waters.  In  its  passage  through  the  Mesopo- 
tamian  plain  it  receives  but  two  tributaries,  the  Balikh 
and  the  Khabur,  and  these  from  the  upper  portion. 
Thereafter  it  makes  its  way  alone  between  desert  and 


THE  EUPHRATES  AND  TIGRIS  7 

steppe  with  waning  power.  From  the  mouth  of  the 
Khabur  to  the  alluvium  its  width  gradually  diminishes 
from  four  hundred  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards ; 
its  velocity,  from  four  to  two  and  one  half  miles  an 
hour.  At  the  southern  boundary  of  Mesopotamia 
it  spreads  out  in  canals  and  pools  and  swamps,  some 
of  its  water  reaching  the  Tigris ;  but  it  recovers  its 
former  greatness  farther  down,  receiving  in  its  turn 
contributions  from  its  sister  stream.  The  Tigris  has 
its  source  on  the  southeastern  slopes  of  the  Taurus, 
and  makes  a  much  more  direct  and  speedy  journey 
to  the  sea.  Its  length  is  eleven  hundred  and  forty-six 
miles;  its  depth,  volume,  and  velocity  much  greater 
than  those  of  the  Euphrates.  It  receives  numerous 
tributaries  from  the  eastern  mountains  not  far  distant 
—  in  the  north  the  Subnat,  toward  the  middle  of  its 
course  the  upper  and  lower  Zab,  farther  to  the  south 
the  Turnat  and  the  Radanu,  —  all  streams  of  con- 
siderable size,  which  swell  its  waters  as  they  descend. 
The  inundation  of  the  Tigris  begins  earlier  and  is  fin- 
ished before  that  of  the  Euphrates.  The  latter,  with 
its  more  northern  source,  rises  more  slowly  and  stead- 
ily, and  its  high  waters  continue  longer.  Accordingly, 
the  whole  inundation  period,  including  that  of  both 
rivers,  is  spread  over  half  the  year,  from  March  to 
September  (Rawlinson,  Five  Great  Monarchies,  I.  pp. 
12  f.).  The  water  sometimes  rises  very  high.  Loftus, 
in  the  spring  of  1849,  found  that  the  Tigris  had  risen 
twenty-two  and  one  half  feet,  which  was  about  five 
feet  above  the  ordinary  height  (Chaldsea  and  Susiana, 
p.  7). 

5.  In  consequence  of  the  pouring  do^vn  of  these 
immense  volumes  of  water,  the  rivers  have  dtig  chan- 


8  INTRODUCTION 

nels  through  the  rock  of  the  INIesopotiimian  plain. 
The  Euphrates,  in  particular,  flows  through  a  can- 
yon from  two  to  three  miles  wide  and  sunk  from 
one  hundred  to  three  hundred  feet  below  the  surface 
of  the  steppe.  On  the  flats  at  the  base  of  the 
cliffs,  and  on  the  islands  in  mid-stream,  thick  groves 
of  tamarisk  alternate  with  patches  of  arable  land, 
where  usually  stand  the  few  towns  which  the  traveller 
finds  in  his  journey  along  the  river  and  which  consti- 
tute the  stations  of  his  pilgrimage.  Likewise,  the 
streams  running  into  the  Tigris  are  said  to  burrow 
deep  in  the  marl,  forming  ditches  in  the  plateau,  diffi- 
cult to  cross.  In  the  alluvial  region,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  rivers  raise  themselves  above  the  surround- 
ing country,  while  hollowing  out  their  beds,  so 
that  to-day  the  sides  of  the  ancient  canals  rise  like 
formidable  ridges  across  the  level  plain  and  their 
dry  beds  form  the  most  convenient  roads  for  the 
caravans. 

6.  Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia,  although  lying  be- 
tween latitude  31°  and  37°,  do  not  show  climatic  con- 
ditions so  widely  diverse  as  might  be  expected.  The 
year  is  divided  into  two  seasons.  From  November  to 
March  the  rains  fall ;  then  the  drought  ensues.  The 
heat  in  summer  is  oppressive  throughout  the  entire 
valley,  and,  when  the  frequent  sand  storms  from 
Arabia  are  raging,  is  almost  unbearable.  The  rainy 
season  shows  greater  diversity  of  temperature.  The 
northern  plain,  cut  off  from  the  mild  airs  of  the  Med- 
iterranean by  the  western  ranges,  is  exposed  to  the 
wintry  blasts  of  the  northern  mountains.  Snow  and 
ice  are  not  uncommon.  In  Babylonia,  however,  frost 
is  rarely  experienced.     It  is  probable  that,  when  the 


THE   FERTILITY   OF   BABYLONIA  9 

canals  distributed  the  waters  more  generally  over  the 
surface  of  the  country,  the  extremes  of  temperature 
were  greatly  reduced.  Even  in  modern  times,  travel- 
lers in  Babylonia  speak  of  the  remarkable  dryness  and 
regularity  of  the  climate,  the  serenity  of  the  sky  and 
the  transparency  of  the  air,  the  wonderful  starlight, 
soft  and  enveloping,  and  the  coolness  of  the  nights, 
even  in  the  hot  season. 

7.  Tliejertility  of  Babylonia  was  the  wonder  of  the 
ancient  world.  The  classical  passage  of  Herodotus  is 
still  the  best  description:  "  This  territory  is  of  all  that 
we  know  the  best  by  far  for  producing  grain ;  as  to 
trees,  it  does  not  even  attempt  to  bear  them,  either 
fig  or  vine  or  olive,  but  for  producing  grain  it  is  so 
good  that  it  returns  as  much  as  two  hundi'cd-fold  for 
the  average,  and,  when  it  bears  at  its  best,  it  produces 
three  hundred-fold.  The  blades  of  the  tvheat  and  bar- 
ley there  grow  to  be  full  four  fingers  broad ;  and  from 
millet  and  sesame  seed,  how  large  a  tree  grows,  I  know 
myself,  but  shall  not  record,  being  well  aware  that 
even  what  has  already  been  said  relating  to  the 
crops  produced  has  been  enough  to  cause  disbelief  in 
those  who  have  not  visited  Babylonia"  (Herod.,  I, 
193).  This  marvellous  yield,  however,  was  under 
the  hand  of  man,  w^ho  by  a  system  of  canals  brought 
the  water  of  the  rivers  over  every  foot  of  ground. 
Apart  from  that,  the  land,  rich  as  was  its  soil,  lay  ex- 
posed to  floods  in  the  winter  and  to  parching  heat  and 
desert  sand  in  the  summer.  Thick  masses  of  reeds, 
springing  up  in  the  water-courses,  produced  morasses. 
The  absence  of  trees  of  any  size  was  a  serious  defect. 
To  man,  also,  is  due  the  introduction  of  the  date-palm, 
the  fig.  and  the  vine,  the  two  former  flourishing  in 


10  INTRODUCTION 

splendid  luxuriance  along  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates, 
the  vine,  indeed,  cultivated  so  little  as  almost  to  war- 
rant the  statement  of  Herodotus  just  cited.  As  one 
advances  northward  upon  the  steppe,  a  treeless  waste 
appears,  stretching  up  to  the  Khabur.  There  are 
traces  of  former  agricultural  activity,  but  now  all 
is  barren,  except  in  the  trenches  hollowed  out  by  the 
great  rivers.  On  the  Euphrates  side  the  palm  has 
pushed  northward,  and  groves  of  tamarisk  and  fields  of 
grain  are  seen.  The  land  east  of  the  Tigris  and  that 
north  of  the  Khabur,  indeed,  being  watered,  are  pro- 
ductive. Traces  of  extensive  forests  have  been  found 
in  some  parts,  and  these  regions  still  support  an  agri- 
cultural population  of  considerable  size,  by  whom  rice, 
millet,  sesame,  wheat,  and  barley  are  cultivated.  Here, 
in  the  north,  -are  grown  a  variety  of  small  fruits,  mel- 
ons, peas,  and  cucumbers,  as  well  as  figs.  Throughout 
the  whole  of  Mesopotamia,  indeed,  the  winter  rains 
call  forth  a  carpet  of  verdure  "  enlivened  by  flowers 
of  every  hue,"  but  the  heat  of  summer  soon  scorches 
the  earth,  and  all  cultures  disappear  where  irrigation, 
natural  or  artificial,  is  not  secured. 

8.  Over  these  Mesopotamian  plains  roamed  the 
gazelle  and  the  wild  ass,  while  in  the  reed-thickets 
of  the  river  banks  the  lion,  the  wild  ox,  and  the  wild 
boar  were  found.  Once,  too,  the  ostrich  and  the 
elephant  were  hunted  in  Mesopotamia.  The  rivers 
swarmed  with  fish,  and  in  their  swamps  waterfowl 
abounded.  To  man  is  due  the  introduction  of  the 
domestic  animals.  The  camel  came  with  the  Bedouin 
from  the  desert,  as  also  his  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats. 
The  horse  is  the  "  animal  from  the  east."  The  dog 
was  likewise  imported. 


METALS,  STONE  AND  BITUMEN  11 

9.  There  was  neither  metal  nor  stone  to  be  found 
in  all  the  borders  of  Babylonia.  Northern  Mesopota- 
mia was  better  supplied  because  of  neighboring  moun- 
tains. From  them  were  procured  limestone  and 
basalt,  marble  and  alabaster.  Copper  and  lead  were 
obtained  from  the  same  source,  as  well  as  iron.  The 
waters  of  the  steppe  supplied  salt.  In  both  north  and 
south  a  substance  was  found  which  made  the  region 
famous  in  the  ancient  world.  This  was  bitumen. 
On  the  northern  edge  of  the  alluvium,  at  the  modern 
town  of  Hit  on  the  Euphrates,  were  the  renowned 
bitumen  springs.  A  recent  traveller  describes  them  as 
follows :  "  Directly  behind  the  town  are  two  springs 
within  thirty  feet  of  one  another,  from  one  of  which 
flows  hot  water,  black  with  bitumen,  while  the  other 
discharges  intermittently  bitumen,  or,  after  a  rain- 
storm, bitumen  and  cold  water.  .  .  .  Where  rocks 
crop  out  in  the  plain  about  Hit,  they  are  full  of 
seams  of  bitumen  "  (Peters,  Nippur,  I.  p.  160).  The 
less  known  bitumen  wells  of  the  north  are  on  the 
plain  east  of  the  Tigris  at  the  modern  Karduk. 

10.  The  present  condition  of  these  lands  illustrates 
their  primitive  aspects.  The  alluvial  deposits,  indeed, 
have  steadily  pushed  back  the  waters  of  the  gulf 
which  once  washed  the  shores  of  Mesopotamia,  but 
the  rivers  still  pour  their  turbid  floods  through  the 
gypsum  canyons  and  overspread  the  lowlands  in  times 
of  inundation.  Traces  of  human  occupation  and 
activity  intensify  the  impression  of  the  recurrence 
of  nature's  former  supremacy.  Canals  have  silted  up 
and  at  their  mouths,  where  the  water  gathers  in  the 
pools,  luxuriant  wild  growths  of  reeds  and  rushes 
flourish  in  the  slime.      The  sand  swirls  unhindered 


12  INTRODUCTION 

over  the  steppe  and  heaps  up  about  the  mounds  where 
once  cities  stood.  Lions  hirk  in  the  jungles,  and 
wandering  Arabs  camp  over  tlie  plains.  Extremes  of 
heat  and  cold  alternately  parch  and  freeze  the  ground. 
Fevers  hang  about  the  marshes,  and  the  pestilence 
breeds  in  the  lagoons.  The  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates, 
now  flowing  between  "  avenues  of  ruins,"  sweep  away 
dykes,  once  reared  to  curb  the  power  of  these  mighty 
streams,  tear  down  their  banks,  once  lined  with  pal- 
aces, riot  at  their  will  through  channels  made  by  their 
own  irresistible  waters,  and  bring  with  them  the  de- 
posits of  the  mountain  sides  to  enrich  the  soil  of 
their  deltas.  A  country  of  still  splendid  possibilities, 
destined  sometime  again  to  be  the  highway  of  the 
nations,  it  is  a  speaking  testimony  to  the  power  of 
man.  Before  his  advent  it  was  uninhabitable  and 
wild.  When  he  had  subdued  it  and  cultivated  it,  it 
was  the  garden  of  the  earth,  the  seat  and  the  symbol 
of  Paradise. 

11.  The  valley  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  was 
anything  but  an  isolated  region.  Unlike  Egypt,  it 
was  open  on  almost  every  side.  On  the  south,  was 
the  Persian  gulf,  along  whose  western  shore  lay  the 
rich  coasts  of  Oman,  opening  into  southern  Arabia, 
and  beyond  them,  to  the  far  southeast,  India.  To  the 
east  rose  the  massive  and  complex  ranges  of  Zagros, 
over  which  led  the  passes  up  to  the  eastern  plateau, 
and  from  whose  heights  the  descent  was  easy,  by 
pleasant  stages  of  hill  and  plain,  into  the  fertile 
Babylonian  bottoms.  Northward  was  the  same  moun- 
tain  wall,  behind  which  stretched  out  the  high  and 
diversified  Armenian  plateau,  with  its  lakes  and  fertile 
valleys,  opened  up  by  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Tigris 


GEOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  13 

and  its  tributaries.  Westward  the  plain  melted  into 
the  Arabian  desert,  except  at  the  upper  extremity, 
where  the  Euphrates  swung  around  by  the  slopes  of 
the  Syrian  hills,  and  thus  made  the  highway  into  the 
regions  watered  by  the  moist  wind  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, —  into  Syria  and  Palestine  and  to  the  islands 
of  the  sea. 

12.  Such  was  the  theatre  of  the  activities  of  the 
peoples  who  made  the  earliest  history  of  mankind  and 
about  whom  centred  the  hfe  of  the  ancient  East.  The 
land  was  admirably  fitted,  nay,  rather,  predestined,  by 
its  physical  characteristics  and  position  to  produce 
and  foster  such  a  history.  A  world  in  itself,  it  lay 
in  close  touch,  in  unavoidable  contact,  with  the 
larger  world  on  every  side,  upon  whose  destinies 
its  inhabitants  were  to  exercise  so  impressive  and  so 
permanent  an  influence. 


II 


THE  EXCAVATIONS   IN   BABYLONIA  AND   ASSYRIA 

13.  The  kingdoms  which  in  the  regions  just  de- 
scribed flourished  during  the  millenniums  of  the 
world's  youth,  while  they  left  a  deep  impression  upon 
the  imagination  of  later  ages,  were  cut  off  suddenly  and 
by  an  alien  race,  at  a  time  when  interest  in  preserving 
the  annals  of  the  past  by  means  of  historical  narrative 
had  not  yet  been  born  among  men.  Their  names 
appeared  in  the  records  of  that  Jewish  people  which, 
though  conquered  by  them,  had  outlived  its  masters, 
or  survived  in  traditions  which  magnified  and  dis- 
torted the  achievements  of  kings  who  had  flourished 
during  some  brief  years  of  Babylonio -Assyrian 
history.  Soon  the  centre  of  human  progress 
passed  from  the  Mesopotamian  valley  westward  to 
the  regions  of  southern  Europe.  Assyria  and 
Babylonia  were  forgotten.  Their  cities,  too,  reared 
upon  platforms  of  sun-dried  bricks,  and  raised  in 
solid  masses  of  the  same  fragile  materi«,l  to  no  great 
height,  had  been  ruined  by  fire  and  sword,  and  grad- 
ually melted  away  under  the  disintegrating  forces 
of  nature  until  they  became  huge  and  shapeless 
mounds  of  earth  without  anything  to  identify  them 
as  having  been  once  the  abodes  of  men.  The  im- 
pression made  by  these  ruins  has  been  strikingly  de- 
scribed by  Layard  - 


THE  CENTURIES  OF  FORGETFULNESS  15 

[The  observer]  is  now  at  a  loss  to  give  any  form  to 
the  rude  heaps  upon  which  he  is  gazing.  Those  of  whose 
works  they  are  the  remains,  unlike  the  Roman  and  the 
Greek,  have  left  no  visible  traces  of  their  civilization,  or 
of  their  arts :  their  influence  has  long  since  passed 
away.  The  more  he  conjectures,  the  more  vague  the  re- 
sults appear.  The  scene  around  is  worthy  of  the  ruin 
he  is  contemplating ;  desolation  meets  desolation ;  a 
feeling  of  awe  succeeds  to  wonder;  for  there  is  noth- 
ing to  relieve  the  mind,  to  lead  to  hope,  or  to  tell  of 
what  has  gone  by.  These  huge  mounds  of  Assyria 
made  a  deeper  impression  upon  me,  gave  rise  to  more 
serious  thought  and  more  earnest  reflection,  than  the 
temples  of  Balbec  or  the  theatres  of  Ionia  (Nineveh  and 
its  Remains,  I.  p.  29). 

14.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  men  came 
to  have  only  vague  and  often  fantastic  notions  of 
these  ancient  empires,  and  that  the  ver}^  sites  of  their 
long  famous  capitals  were  lost.  For  fifteen  hundred 
years  Nineveh  was  but  a  name.  Babylon  came  to  be 
identified  with  Bagdad  on  the  Tigris,  or  with  the  ruin- 
heap,  not  far  distant,  at  Akerkuf .  Here  and  there  was 
a  traveller,  like  the  Jew,  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  who  in 
1160  visited  Mosul  and  beheld  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Tigris  what  he  thought  to  be  the  site  of  Nineveh,  and 
at  a  three  days'  journey  from  Bagdad  found,  near  Hillah 
on  the  Euphrates,  ruins  identified  by  him  with  those 
of  Babylon  and  of  the  tower  of  Babel.  Both  of  these 
sites  afterwards  were  proved  to  be  the  true  locations 
of  these  cities.  European  geographers,  even  at  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  were  in  complete  uncer- 
tainty on  the  subject.  A  century  and  a  half  passed 
before  trustworthy  scientific  observations  were  made 


16  INTKODUCTION 

and   the    Preparatory   Period  (1750-1820   A.D.)    of 
Babjdonio-Assyrian  investigation  began. 

15.  In  1755  the  French  Academy  of  Inscriptions 
received  a  memoir  which,  based  primarily  on  a 
report  of  the  Carmelite,  Emmanuel  de  St.  Albert, 
gathered  together  the  various  lines  of  evidence  to 
prove  that  the  true  site  of  Babylon  was  near  the  town 
of  Hillah  on  the  Euphrates,  and  that  Birs  Nimrud, 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  was  part  of  the  same 
city.  Ten  years  later,  Carsten  Niebuhr,  a  scholar, 
historian,  and  traveller,  definitely  identified  the  ruin-' 
mounds  opposite  Mosul  with  the  ancient  Nineveh, 
and  made  further  observations  on  the  site  of  Babylon. 
He  also  called  attention  to  an  extensive  nifound, 
called  Nimrud,  some  fifteen  miles  south  of  Nineveh. 
All  these  travellers,  and  others  who  followed  them, 
noted  the  masses  of  brickwork  cropping  out  above 
the  ground,  the  immense  fields  of  debris  that 
covered  the  mounds,  and  the  traces  of  strange 
characters  found  upon  bricks  and  other  objects  that 
lay  upon  the  surface.  It  could  not  but  be  evident 
that  further  progress  in  discovering  the  secrets"  of 
these  cities  lay,  on  the  one  hand,  in  going  beneath  the 
surface,  in  searching  these  mounds  with  the  spade, 
and,  on  the  other,  in  the  study  of  the  inscriptions 
with  the  purpose  of  deciphering  their  meaning. 
Both  these  activities  henceforth  were  pursued  witli 
vigor.  The  excavation  of  the  cities  of  Babylonia  and 
Assyria  and  the  decipherment  of  their  language  form 
two  brilliant  pages  in  the  scientific  annals  of  the 
nineteenth  century. 

16.  The  pioneer  in  this  new  work  of   excavation 
was  Claudius  James  Rich,  who,  while  resident  of  the 


THE  PREPARATORY  PERIOD  17 

British  East  India  Company  in  Bagdad,  in  1811,  visited 
and  studied  the  ruins  of  Babylon,  and,  beginning  in 
1820,  made  similar  investigations  of  the  mounds  of 
Nineveh.  In  these  visits  he  made  surveys,  opened 
trenches,  and  prepared  careful  plans  of  the '  sites. 
He  afterwards  published  his  results  in  memoirs.  The 
inscriptions,  engraved  gems,  and  other  objects 
gathered  by  him  in  these  researches  were  forwarded 
to  England  and  deposited  in  the  British  Museum, 
forming  at  that  time  the  most  considerable  collection 
of  the  kind  in  the  world.  Some  years  before,  the 
British  East  India  Company  had  ordered  its  represen- 
tatives in  Babylonia  to  gather  and  forward  to  Eng- 
land ancient  Babylonian  antiquities,  and  among  the 
objects  obtained  was  the  now  famous  cylinder  of 
Nebuchadrezzar  II.,  known  as  the  East  India  House 
inscription.  Michaux,  a  French  botanist,  working  in 
the  vicinity  of  Ctesiphon  a  little  before  1802,  had 
chanced  upon  a  marble  object  marked  with  strange 
signs  and  figures.  It  proved  to  be  a  fine  "  boun- 
dary stone "  with  an  inscription  of  Mardukbal- 
iddin  I.  Yet  so  inconsiderable  were  all  these 
objects  that  Layard  was  justified  in  his  statement, 
made  about  1845,  that  four  years  before  "a  case 
scarcely  three  feet  square  inclosed  all  that  remained, 
not  only  of  the  great  city,  Nineveh,  but  of  Babylon 
itself!  "  (Nin.  and  its  Rem.,  I.  p.  17).  Rich's  results 
aroused  wide-spread  interest,  not  only  in  England, 
but  in  America.  In  1819  Edward  Robinson,  referring 
to  them,  declared,  "  we  can  all  remember  the  pro- 
found impression  made  upon  the  public  mind,  even 
by  these  cursory  memorials  of  Nineveh  and  Baby- 
lon"   (Preface    to    American   ed.   of   Layard's   Nin. 


18  Introduction 

and  its  Rem.).  Twenty  years  were  to  pass  before 
this  interest  was  to  issue  in  practical  activity,  years 
filled  indeed  with  the  work  of  scholars,  seeking  to 
solve  the  riddle  of  the  language  of  the  inscrip- 
tions, and  particularly  with  the  splendid  labor  of 
Sir  Henry  Rawlinson  in  copying  and  studying 
tlie  Behistun  inscriptions  of  Persia.  During  this 
time,  however,  the  mounds  of  Mesopotamia  were 
untouched. 

17.  In  1842,  P.  C.  Botta  was  sent  from  France  as 
consul  to  Mosul,  and  with  his  arrival  begins  a  new 
period  (1842-1854)  w^hich,  by  reason  of  the  character 
both  of  the  work  and  the  workers,  may  be  termed  the 
Heroic  Period  of  excavation.  Botta  began  digging  on 
the  two  great  mounds  of  Nineveh,  marked  off  by  Rich, 
and  called  Nebiyunus  and  Kouyunjik.  Failing  of  suc- 
cess here,  in  1843,  at  the  suggestion  of  a  peasant,  he 
removed  to  Khorsabad,  a  mound  about  four  miles  to 
the  northeast,  where  his  digging  immediately  resulted 
in  the  discovery  of  a  series  of  buildings  of  great  ex- 
tent, adorned  with  wonderful  sculptures,  though 
in  parts  damaged  by  fire.  The  site  proved  to  be  Dur 
Sharrukin,  a  fortress,  palace,  and  temple  of  Sargon, 
Assyria's  greatest  king.  Botta  and  his  successor, 
Victor  Place,  spent  more  than  ten  years  in  uncovering 
this  palace  and  working  upon  other  neighboring  sites. 
The  material  was  sent  to  Paris,  and  constitutes  one 
of  the  chief  treasures  of  the  Louvre.  In  1845,  A.  II. 
Layard,  an  English  traveller  and  government  official, 
familiar  by  many  years  of  wandering  in  the  Orient 
with  the  peoples  and  languages  of  Mesopotamia,  was 
enabled,  througli  the  munificence  of  the  English  min- 
ister  at   Constantinople,  to   fulfil  a    long-cherished 


LAYARD  AND  RASSAM  19 

desire  by  beginning  excavations  in  this  region.  He 
chose  the  mound  of  Nimrud,  fifteen  miles  south  of 
Nineveh.  Here,  within  two  years  (1845-1847),  he 
unearthed  three  palaces  belonging,  respectively,  to 
Ashurnagirpal,  Shalmaneser  II.,  and  Esarhaddon,  in 
one  of  which  was  found  the  famous  black  obelisk  that 
contains  the  name  of  Jehu  of  Israel.  The  site  itself 
was  found  to  be  the  city  of  Kalkhi  (Calah),  made  the 
capital  of  Assyria  by  Shalmaneser  I.  During  the 
years  1849-1851  Layard  devoted  himself  to  the  two 
mounds  of  Nineveh,  and  uncovered  at  Kouyunjik 
the  palace  of  Sennacherib,  and  at  Nebiyunus  those 
of  Adadnirari  III.,  Sennacherib,  and  Esarhaddon.  In 
the  spring  of  1852  his  excavations,  pursued  at  Kalah 
Sherghat,  forty  miles  south  of  Nimrud,  resulted  in 
the  identification  of  that  mound  as  Assur,  the  earli- 
est Assyrian  capital,  and  the  discovery  of  the  cylinder 
inscription  of  Tiglathpileser  I.  Layard's  work  was 
continued  from  1852  to  1854  by  Hormuzd  Rassam,  his 
assistant,  who  opened  the  palace  of  Tiglathpileser  I. 
at  Assur  and  obtained  two  other  copies  of  his  cylin- 
der inscription.  At  Nineveh  he  discovered  in  1853, 
on  the  northern  part  of  the  mound  Kouyunjik,  the 
palace  of  Ashurbanipal,  from  one  chamber  of  which 
he  removed  the  famous  library  of  over  twenty  thou- 
sand tablets.  Nimrud  yielded  to  him  the  Shamshi 
Adad  monolith,  and  Nineveh,  also,  the  two  obelisks 
of  Ashurna9irpal.  The  larger  part  of  the  objects  ob- 
tained by  both  Layard  and  Rassam  was  sent  to  the 
British  Museum,  and  became  the  basis  of  its  incom- 
parable collection  of  Assyrian  antiquities. 

18.  In  Babylonia,  during  these  years,  the  work  done 
was  considerable,  but  not  so  brilliant  in  results.     Lay- 


20  INTRODUCTION 

ard  visited  Babylonia  in  1851,  and  experimented  with 
diggings  at  Babylon  and  Niffer,  the  ancient  Nippur, 
with  little  success.  From  1849  to  1854,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  year  spent  atSusa,  W.  K.  Loftus  worked 
on  the  mounds  of  Senkereh  and  Warka,  the  latter 
of  which  he  identified  beyond  doubt  with  Uruk,  the 
former  being  the  ancient  Larsam.  From  both  cities 
he  obtained  metal  and  clay  ornaments,  and  some 
choice  clay  tablets,  besides  coffins  illustrative  of  the 
ancient  methods  of  burial.  In  1854  J.  E.  Taylor 
excavated  at  the  ruins  of  a  temple  at  Mugheir 
which  was  found  to  be  the  city  of  Ur,  and  at  Abu 
Shahrein,  identified  with  Eridu,  the  southernmost 
and  oldest  city  of  Babylonia.  The  same  year  Sir 
Henry  Rawlinson,  directing  diggings  at  Birs  Nimrud 
near  Babylon,  opened  up  the  great  temple  there, 
and  obtained  from  its  foundations  some  cylinder  in- 
scriptions of  Nebuchadrezzar  II.  A  French  expedi- 
tion led  by  Fresnel  and  Oppert  was  occupied  from 
1852  to  1854  in  and  around  Babylon,  the  results  of 
which,  while  not  rich  in  objects  obtained,  were  of 
special  value  for  Babylonian  topography.  With  the 
year  1854  the  excavations  halted.  The  twelve  years 
had  been  productive  of  results  brilliant  beyond  all 
expectation.  These  had  been  gained  in  large  meas- 
ure by  men  who  labored  for  the  most  part  alone, 
having  usually  small  sums  of  money  available,  hin- 
dered and  harassed  on  every  side  by  fever,  famine, 
and  flood,  by  attacks  of  Arabs,  by  the  outbreaks  of 
fanatical  populations,  and  by  the  stolid  obstinacy 
and  arrant  cupidity  of  Turkish  officials,  —  obsfcicles 
which  would  have  daunted  less  resolute  and  enthusi- 
astic workers. 


THE   MODERN   SCIP:XTIFIC   rEKIOD  2l 

19.  Another  gap  of  two  decades  now  intervened,  t 
The  vast  mass  of  material  accumulated  by  the  exca- 
vators had  satiated  the  appetite.  A  new  world  of 
ancient  life  had,  within  a  short  space  of  twelve  years, 
been  thrown  open  to  science,  —  a  world  speaking  an 
unknown  tongue  and  revealing  a  great,  but  strange, 
literature,  architecture,  and  art.  The  demand  was 
for  the  study  of  what  was  already  in  hand,  not  for 
the  search  after  new  things;  for  the  organization 
and  publication  of  the  results  of  excavation,  not  for 
the  further  heaping  up  of  what  could  not  be  under- 
stood. These  decades  saw  the  issue  of  the  first  three 
volumes  of  "  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  of  Western 
Asia,"  edited  for  the  British  Museum  by  Sir  Henry 
Rawlinson,  —  an  indispensable  companion  for  all  future 
students.  During  the  same  period,  also,  the  secret  of 
the  language  was  penetrated,  and  Assyrian  documents 
were  being  read  with  increasing  ease  and  accuracy. 

20.  In  1873  the  revival  of  excavation  began  with  / 
the  expedition  of  George  Smith  to  Nineveh.  His 
purpose  illustrates  the  new  point  of  view  reached  dur- 
ing the  intervening  decades.  Among  the  clay  tablets 
brought  back  by  Rassam  from  Ashurbanipal's  library, 
were  fragments  of  the  Babylonian  story  of  the  Deluge. 
These,  as  translated  by  George  Smith,  aroused  im-  ? 
mense  interest,  which  led  to  the  desire  that  search  be 
made  for  the  missing  fragments.  The  explorers  of 
the  Heroic  Period  had  uncovered  palaces,  bas-reliefs, 
and  statues,  but  had  given  the  insignificant  tablets 
secondary  consideration.  From  the  hbrary  chamber 
of  Ashurbanipal's  palace  Rassam  liad  extracted  only 
those  tablets  which  could  be  conveniently  reached. 
With  the  power  to  read  attained  meanwhile,  the  tab- 


22  INTRODUCTION 

lets  had  become  fully  as  importiint  as  the  sculptures, 
if  not  more  so.     George  Smith's  expedition  indicated, 

I  therefore,  that  the  Modern  Scientific  Period  of  excava- 
tion had  begun.  Its  end  is  not  yet  in  sight,  since  its 
goal  is  the  investigation  of  all  feasible  localities  in 
tlie  Mesopotamian  valley,  with  the  purpose  of  throw- 
ing aU.  available  light  upon  the  history  and  life  of 
these  ancient  peoples.  Another  characteristic  of  this 
period  is  the  careful  selection  of  locations,  and  the 
studied  organization  of  parties  of  excavators,  well 
financed  and  provided  with  all  desirable  tools  for  in- 
vestigation. The  results  have  already  been  startling. 
George  Smith's  work,  begun  in  1873,  was  continued 
in  1874  and  1876.  In  that  year,  on  his  return  from 
Nineveh,  he  died  at  Aleppo,  a  martyr  to  his  self-sacri- 
ficing devotion  to  his  task.  He  had  obtained  many 
more  books  from  the  Ashurbanipal  library,  including 
some  of  the  precious  Deluge  fragments,  and  had  pur- 
chased for  the  British  Museum  some  valuable  tablets 
from  Babylonia.  H.  Rassam,  the  veteran  of  the  earlier 
period,  was  sent  out  to  take  his  place.  From  1877 
to  1882  he  had  great  success.  In  Assyria  liis  chief 
"  finds  "  were  the  Ashurnagirpal  temple  in  Nimrud,  the 
splendid  cylinder  of  Ashurbanipal  at  Kouyunjik,  and 
the  unique  and  historically  important  bronze  doors  of 
the  temple  of  Shalmaneser  II.,  found  at  Balawat,  fif- 
teen miles  east  of  Mosul.  His  work  in  Babylonia 
was  equally  brilliant.  At  Babylon,  the  problem  of 
the  location  of  the  ancient  buildings  in  the  different 
mounds,  a  subject  beset  with  extraordinary  difficul- 
ties,   was   attacked   by   him,    and    he    identified   the 

I  famous  Hanging  Gardens  with  the  mound  known  as 
Babil.     A  palace  of  Nebuchadrezzar  II.  at  Birs  Nim- 


RECENT  EXCAVATIONS  23 

rud  (Borsippa)  was  also  uncovered  by  him.  His 
excavations  at  Tell  Ibrahim  proved  that  it  was  the 
site  of  the  ancient  city  of  Kutha.  An  experimental 
examination  of  the  mound  at  Abu  Habba,  in  1881, 
opened  up  to  this  fortunate  excavator  the  famous 
temple  of  the  sun  at  Sippar.  There  he  found  cylin- 
ders of  Nabuna'id  (Nabonidus),  and  the  stone  tablet 
of  Nabu-apal-iddin  of  Babylon  with  its  ritual  bas- 
relief  and  inscription,  besides  some  fifty  thousand 
clay  tablets  containing  the  temple  accounts. 

21.  Within  recent  years,  beginning  in  1877,  a  series 
of  discoveries  of  first-rate  importance  has.  been  made 
by  the  French  consul  at  Bassorah,  de  Sarzec,  in  the 
Babylonian  mound  of  Tello.  He  has  identified  this 
spot  with  the  city  of  Shirpurla  (Lagash),  which  had 
a  prominent  place  in  early  Babylonian  history.  In 
the  course  of  his  several  campaigns  he  has  unearthed 
a  truly  bewildering  variety  of  materials  illustrative 
of  these  primitiv^e  ages.  Palaces  and  statues,  stelae 
and  bas-reliefs,  vases  of  silver,  and  a  library  contain- 
ing as  many  as  thirty  thousand  tablets,  are  among  his 
treasures,  which  were  purchased,  or  otherwise  secured, 
by  the  French  government  for  the  Louvre  Museum. 
Kings  hitherto  unknown,  and  a  world  of  artistic 
achievement  undreamed  of  for  these  early  ages,  have 
come  into  view.  A  similar  result  has  followed  the 
work  of  the  American  Expedition,  under  the  auspices 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  which  began,  in 
1888,  to  excavate  at  Niffer,  the  site  of  old  Nippur,  a 
centre  of  early  Babylonian  religious  life.  The  massive 
temple  called  Ekur  has  been  uncovered,  on  which . 
kings  of  all  periods  of  Babylonian  history  built.  Dur- 
ing each  successive  year  of  the  expedition's  activity, 


24  INTRODUCTION 

new  architectural  and  artistic  features,  and  an  increas- 
ing number  of  historical  and  religious  records,  have 
come  to  light.  More  than  thirty  thousand  tablets  have 
already  been  obtained,  and  the  recent  discovery  of  the 
great  temple  library  opens  up  a  wealth  of  material 
throwing  light  upon  all  sides  of  that  ancient  life  over 
which  hitherto  there  has  lain  almost  complete  dark- 
ness. The  Turkish  government,  stimulated  by  the 
example  of  other  nations,  has  begun  to  take  steps  to 
collect  material  for  its  museum  at  Constantinople,  to 
protect  its  antiquities  from  destruotion  and  removal, 
and  to  make  excavations  upon  Assyrian  and  Babylo- 
nian soil.  Work  at  Sippar  in  1893  has  resulted  in 
the  securing  of  a  number  of  clay  tablets ;  an  important 
stele  of  Nabuna'id  has  been  found  at  Babylon,  and  a 
bas-relief  of  Naram  Sin,  obtained  at  the  head- waters 
of  the  Tigris,  has  been  conveyed  to  the  museum  at 
Constantinople.  A  German  expedition,  excavating 
on  the  site  of  Babylon,  has  already  made  some  impor- 
tant discoveries.  Thus  the  interest  in  seeking  for  the 
original  records  of  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  civiliza- 
tion was  never  more  keen  and  active  than  at  the  pres- 
ent day.  Joined,  as  this  interest  is,  to  large  resources 
and  a  scientific  temper,  and  enlightened  by  the  experi- 
ence of  the  past,  it  is  destined  to  push  the  work  of 
exploration  and  excavation  in  these  countries  to 
'still  further  lengths,  until,  so  far  as  lies  in  the  power  of 
the  original  records  to  furnish  material,  the  history 
and  life  of  these  peoples  become  as  well  known  as  are 
those  of  Greece  and  Rome. 


Ill 


THE  LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATUEE 

22.  The  discoverers  of  the  long-buried  memorials 
of  Assyria  and  Babylonia  were  at  first  and  for  a  long 
time  unable  to  read  their  message.  But  side  by  side 
with  the  work  of  the  explorer  and  excavator  went 
continually  the  investigations  of  the  scholar.  The 
objects  sent  back  by  European  excavators  and  installed 
in  museums  immediately  attracted  the  attention  and 
enlisted  the  energetic  activity  of  many  students,  who 
gave  themselves  to  the  task  of  decipherment.  Begin- 
ning with  Georg  Friedrich  Grotefend,  of  Hannover, 
who,  in  1815,  published  a  translation  of  some  brief 
inscriptions  of  the  Achemsenian  kings  of  Persia,  this 
scientific  activity  was  immensely  stimulated  by  the 
discoveries  and  investigations  of  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson, 
who,  after  more  than  fifteen  years  of  study  in  the  East, 
published,  in  1851,  his  "Memoir  on  the  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  Inscriptions  "  containing  the  text,  trans- 
literation, and  translation  of  the  Babylonian  part  of 
the  Behistun  inscription,  which  records  the  triumph 
of  Darius  I.  of  Persia  over  his  enemies.  During  the 
same  period  the  brilliant  French  savant  Jules  Oppert, 
the  Irish  scholar  Edward  Hincks,  and  the  Englishman 
Fox  Talbot  had  been  making  their  contributions  to  the 
new  linguistic  problem.     In  1857  the  accuracy  and 


26  INTRODUCTION 

permanence  of  their  results  were  established  by  a 
striking  test.  Copies  of  the  inscription  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  I.  of  Assyria,  recently  unearthed,  were  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  four  scholars,  Rawlinson,  Oppert, 
Hincks,  and  Fox  Talbot,  and  they  were  requested 
to  make,  independently  of  one  another,  translations 
of  the  inscription  in  question.  A  comparison  of  these 
translations  showed  them  to  be  substantially  identical. 
A  new  language  had  been  deciphered,  and  a  new  chap- 
ter of  human  history  opened  for  investigation.  Since 
that  time  these  and  other  scholars,  such  as  E.  Schra- 
der,  Friedrich  Delitzsch,  Paul  Haupt,  A.  H.  Sayce, 
and  many  more  in  Europe  and  America  have  enlarged, 
corrected,  and  systematized  the  results  attained,  until 
now  the  stately  science  of  Assyriology,  or  the  or- 
ganized knowledge  of  the  language,  literature,  and 
history  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  has  a  recognized 
place  in  the  hierarchy  of  learning. 

23.  The  Babylonio-Assyrian  writing,  as  at  first  dis- 
covered in  its  classical  forms,  appears  at  a  hasty 
glance  like  a  wilderness  of  short  lines  running  in  every 
conceivable  direction,  each  line  at  one  end  and  some- 
times at  both  ends,  spreading  out  into  a  triangular 
mass,  or  wedge.  From  this  likeness  to  a  wedge  is 
derived  the  designation  "  wedge-shaped  "  or  "  cunei- 
form "  (lat.  cuneus)^  as  applied  to  the  characters  and 
also  to  the  language  and  literature.  Closer  examina- 
tion reveals  a  system  in  this  apparent  disorder.  The 
characters  are  armnged  in  columns  usually  running 
horizontally,  and  are  read  from  left  to  right,  the  great 
majority  of  the  wedges  either  standing  upright  or 
pointing  toward  the  right.  These  wedges,  airanged 
singly  or  in  groups,  stand  either  for  complete  ideas 


Til^  CUNEt^ORM  WRITING  27 

(called  "  ideogmms,"  e.  g.  a  single  horizontal  wedge 
represents  the  preposition  in)  or  for  syllables  (e.  g.  a 
single  horizontal  crossed  by  a  single  vertical  wedge 
-represents  the  syllable  har).  It  would  be  natuml 
that,  in  course  of  time,  the  wedges  used  as  signs  for 
ideas  would  also  be  used  as  syllables,  and  the  same 
syllable  be  represented  by  different  wedges,  thus  pro- 
ducing confusion.  This  was  remedied  by  placing 
another  character  before  the  sign  for  a  particular  idea 
to  determine  its  use  in  that  sense  (hence,  called  a 
"  determinative ;  "  e.  g.  before  all  names  of  gods  a 
sign  meaning  "  divine  being  ")  or,  after  it,  a  syllabic 
character  which  added  the  proper  ending  of  the  word 
to  be  employed  there  (hence,  called  "phonetic  com- 
plement"). In  spite  of  these  devices,  many  signs 
and  collocations  of  signs  have  so  many  possible  syl- 
labic values  as  to  render  exactness  in  the  reading  very 
difficult.  There  are  about  five  hundred  of  these  dif- 
ferent signs  used  to  represent  words  or  syllables. 
Their  origin  is  still  a  subject  of  discussion  among 
scholars.  The  prevailing  theory  is  that  they  can  be 
traced  back  to  original  pictures  representing  the  ideas 
to  be  conveyed.  But,  at  present,  only  about  fifty  out 
of  the  entire  number  of  signs  can  be  thus  identified, 
and  it  may  be  necessary  to  accept  other  sources  to 
account  for  the  rest. 

24.  The  material  on  which  this  writing  appears  is 
of  various  sorts.  The  characters  were  incised  upon 
stone  and  metal,  —  on  the  marbles  of  palaces,  on  the 
fine  hard  surfaces  of  gems,  on  silver  images  and  on 
plates  of  bronze.  There  are  traces,  also,  of  the  use 
as  writing  material  of  skins,  and  of  a  substance  re- 
sembling the  papyrus  of   ancient   Egypt.     But  that 


28  Introduction 

which  surpassed  all  other  materials  for  this  purpose 
was  clay,  a  fine  quality  of  which  was  most  abundant 
in  Babylonia,  whence  the  use  spread  all  over  the 
ancient  oriental  world.  This  clay  was  very  carefully 
prepared,  sometimes  ground  to  an  exceeding  fineness, 
moistened,  and  moulded  into  various  forms,  ordinarily 
into  a  tablet  whose  average  size  is  about  six  by  two 
and  one-half  inches  in  superficial  area  by  one  inch  in 
thickness,  its  sides  curving  slightly  outwards.  On 
the  surface  thus  prepared  the  characters  were  im- 
pressed with  a  stylus,  the  writing  often  standing  in 
columns,  and  carried  over  upon  the  back  and  sides  of 
the  tablet.  The  clay  was  frequently  moulded  into 
cones  and  barrel-shaped  cylinders,  having  from  six 
to  ten  sides  on  which  writing  could  be  inscribed. 
These  tablets  were  then  dried  in  the  sun  or  baked  in 
a  furnace,  —  a  process  which  rendered  the  writing 
practically  indestructible,  unless  the  tablet  itself  was 
shattered. 

25.  This  prevailing  use  of  clay  was  doubtless  the 
cause  of  the  disappearance  of  the  picture-writing. 
The  details  of  a  picture  could  not  easily  be  reproduced ; 
circles  gave  way  to  straight  lines  joined  together ; 
these  were  gradually  reduced  in  number ;  the  line 
was  enlarged  at  the  end  into  the  wedge,  for  greater 
distinctness,  until  the  conventional  form  of  the  signs 
became  established. 

26.  This  method  of  writing  by  wedges  was  adopted 
from  Babylonia  by  other  peoples,  such  as  those  of 
ancient  Armenia,  for  their  own  languages,  just  as 
German  may  be  written  in  Latin  letters.  A  problem 
of  serious  moment  and  great  difficulty  has  arisen 
because  of  a  similar  use  of  the  cuneiform  in  Babylonia 


THE   SUMEIIIAK   QUESTION  29 

itself.  Side  by  side  with  cuneiform  documents  of 
the  language  represented  in  the  bulk  of  the  literature 
which  has  come  down  to  us,  and  which  may  be  called 
the  Babylonio-Assyrian,  there  are  some  documents, 
also  in  cuneiform,  in  which  the  wedges  do  not  have 
the  meanings  which  are  connected  with  them  in  the 
Babylonio-Assyrian.  In  some  cases  the  same  docu- 
ment is  drawn  up  in  two  forms,  written  side  by  side, 
in  which  the  way  of  reading  the  characters  of  one 
will  not  apply  to  those  of  the  other,  although  the 
meaning  of  the  document  in  both  forms  is  the  same. 
Evidently  the  cuneiform  signs  are  here  employed  for 
two  languages.  What  the  philological  relations  of 
these  languages  may  be,  has  given  rise  to  a  lively 
controversy.  On  the  one  hand,  it  is  claimed  that  the 
two  show  marked  philological  similarities  which  carry 
them  back  to  a  common  linguistic  ground,  and  indi- 
cate that  they  are  two  modes  of  expressing  one  lan- 
guage, namely,  the  Semitic  Babylonian.  The  one 
mode,  the  earlier,  which  stood  in  close  relation  to 
the  primitive  picture-writing,  and  may  be  called  the 
*'  hieratic,"  was  superseded  in  course  of  time  by  the  ' 
other  mode,  which  became  the  "  common "  or  "  de-' 
motic,"  and  is  represented  in  the  great  mass  of  Baby- 
lonio-Assyrian literature.  The  former  had  its  origin 
in  the  transition  from  the  ideographic  to  the  phonetic 
mode  of  writing, — a  transition  which  was  accom- 
panied with  "  the  invention  of  a  set  of  explanatory 
terms,  mainly  drawn  from  rare  and  unfamiliar  and 
obsolete  words  expressed  by  the  ideograms."  It  was 
later  developed  into  an  "  artificial  language "  by  the 
industry  of  priestly  grammarians  (McCurdy,  History 
Prophecy  and  the  Monuments,  I.  sects.  82  f.).    On  the 


30  INTRODUCTION 

other  hand,  the  majority  of  schokrs  maintains  that 
the  earlier  so-called  "  hieratic  "  is  an  independent  and 
original  language  whose  peculiar  linguistic  features 
point  decidedly  to  a  basis  essentially  different  from 
that  of  the  Semitic  Babylonian.  This  language  they 
regard  as  hailing  from  a  pre-Semitic  population  of 
Babylonia,  the  "Sumerians,"  whose  racial  affinities 
are  not  yet  satisfactorily  determined.  The  Semitic 
Babylonians,  coming  in  later,  adopted  from  them  the 
cuneiform  writing  for  their  own  language,  while  per- 
mitting the  older  speech  to  continue  its  hfe  for  a 
season.  Divergence  of  view  so  radical  in  regard  to 
the  same  body  of  linguistic  facts  can  have  only  one 
explanation,  —  the  facts  are  not  decisive  and  the  fun- 
damental questions  must  await  final  adjudication  till 
a  time  when  either  new  documents  for  philological 
investigation  are  discovered,  or  light  is  obtained  from 
other  than  linguistic  sources. 

27.  As  the  valley  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates 
formed  the  common  home  of  Babylonians  and  Assyr- 
ians, so  the  two  peoples  possessed  a  common  language, 
and  their  literatures  may  be  regarded  as  parts  of  one 
continuous  development.  Centuries  before  the  name 
of  Assyria  appeared  in  history,  the  Babylonians  pos- 
sessed a  written  language  and  developed  an  ample 
literature.  Both  language  and  literature  passed  over 
to  the  later  nation  on  the  upper  Tigris,  and  were 
cherished  and  continued  there.  Comparatively  slight 
differences  in  the  forms  of  the  cuneiform  signs,  and 
a  greater  emphasis  upon  certain  types  of  literature 
are  all  that  distinguish  the  two  peoples  in  these 
regards.  Indeed,  the  kings  of  Nineveh  filled  their 
libraries  in  large  part  with  copies  of   ancient  Baby- 


RELIGIOUS  LITERATURE  SI 

Ionian  books,  a  practice  which  has  secured  to  us  some 
of  the  choicest  specimens  of  Babylonian  literature. 
In  sketching  their  literatures,  therefore,  the  typical 
forms  are  the  same  and  serve  as  a  basis  for  a  common 
presentation. 

28.  Religion  was  the  inspiration  of  the  most 
important  and  the  most  ample  division  of  the  litera- 
ture of  Babylonia.  Scarcely  any  side  of  the  religious 
life  is  unrepresented.  Worship  has  its  collections  of 
ritual  books,  ranging  from  magical  and  conjuration 
formulae,  the  repetition  of  which  by  the  proper  priest 
exorcises  the  demons,  delivers  from  sickness,  and 
secures  protection,  to  the  prayers  and  hymns  to  the 
gods,  often  pathetic  and  beautiful  in  their  expressions 
of  penitence  and  praise.  Mythology  has  been  pre- 
served in  cycles  which  have  an  epic  character,  the 
chief  of  which  is  the  so-called  Epic  of  Gilgamesh,  a 
hero  whose  exploits  are  narrated  in  twelve  books, 
each  corresponding  to  the  appropriate  zodiacal  sign. 
The  famous  story  of  the  Deluge  has  been  incorporated 
into  the  eleventh  book.  Less  extensive,  but  of  a  like 
character,  are  the  stories  of  the  Descent  of  Ishtar  into 
Arallu,  or  Hades,  of  the  heroes  Etana  and  Adapa,  • 
and  the  legends  of  the  gods  Dibbara  (Girra)  and  Zu. 
The  cosmogonic  narratives  are  hardly  to  be  separated 
from  these,  the  best  known  of  which  is  the  so-called 
Creation  Epic  of  which  the  fragments  of  six  books 
have  been  recovered.  The  poetry  of  these  epics  is 
quite  highly  developed  in  respect  to  imagery  and 
diction.  Even  metre  has  been  shown  to  exist,  at 
least  in  the  poem  of  creation.  Among  the  rest  of  the 
religious  texts  may  be  mentioned  fragments  of  "  wis- 
dom "  and  tables  of  omens  for  the  guidance  of  rulers. 


32  INTJiODUC'llON 

•  29.  If  the  Babylonians  had  a  passion  for  religion, 
the  Assyrians  were  devoted  to  history,  and  the  bulk 
of  their  literature  may  be  described  as  historical. 
The  Babylonian  priests,  indeed,  preserved  lists  of 
their  kings;  business  documents  Avere  dated,  and 
rulers  left  memorials  of  their  doings.  But  the  first 
two  can  hardly  claim  to  be  literature,  and  the  royal 
texts,  in  fulness  and  exactness,  are  surpassed  by  those 
of  the  Assyrian  kings.  The  series  of  Assyrian- his- 
torical texts  on  the  grand  scale  begins  with  the 
inscription  of  Tiglathpileser  I.  (about  1100  B.  c), 
written  on  an  eight-sided  clay  cylinder,  and  contain- 
ing eight  hundred  and  nine  lines.  The  inscription 
covers  the  first  five  years  of  a  reign  of  at  least  fifteen 
yeara.  It  begins  with  a  solemn  invocation  to  the  gods 
who  have  given  the  king  the  sovereignty.  His  titles 
are  then  recited,  and  a  summary  statement  of  his 
achievements  given.  Then,  beginning  with  his  first 
year,  the  king  narrates  his  campaigns  in  detail  in 
nearly  five  hundred  lines.  The  description  of  his 
hunting  exploits  and  his  building  of  temples  occu- 
pies the  next  two  hundred  lines.  The  document 
closes  with  a  blessing  for  the  one  who  in  the  future 
honors  the  king's  achievements,  and  a  curse  for  him 
who  seeks  to  bring  them  to  naught.  This,  for  its 
day,  admirable  historical  narrative  formed  a  kind  of 
model  i'or  all  later  royal  inscriptions,  many  of  which 
copy  its  arrangement  and  almost  slavishly  imitate  its 
style.  Its  combination  of  summary  statement  witli 
an  attempt  at  chronological  order,  somewhat  unskil- 
fully made,  is  dissolved  in  the  later  inscriptions. 
They  are  of  two  sorts,  either  strictly  annalistic, 
arranged  according  to  the  years  of  a  king's  reign,  or 


LITERATURE   OF  DIPLOMACY  S3 

a  splendid  catalogue  of  the  royal  exploits  organized 
for  impressiveness  of  effect,  and  hence  often  called 
*'  laudatory  "  texts.  Examples  of  one  or  both  forms 
have  been  left  by  all  the  great  Assyrian  kings.  The 
most  important  among  them  are  the  inscriptions  of 
Ashurnagirpal,  Shalmaneser  II.,  Sargon,  Sennacherib, 
Esarhaddon,  and  Ashurbanipal. 

30.  Closely  connected  with  the  historical  docu-  #. 
ments  is  the  diplomatic  literature.  An  example  of 
this  is  the  so-called  "  Synchronistic  History  of  Assyria  .. 
and  Babylonia,"  a  memorandum  of  the  dealings,  diplo- 
matic or  otherwise,  of  the  two  nations  with  one 
another,  from  before  1450  B.  c.  down  to  700  B.  c,  in 
regard  to  the  disputed  territory  lying  between  them. 
To  the  same  category  belong  royal  proclamations, 
tribute  lists,  despatches,  and  an  immense  mass  of 
letters  from  officials  to  the  court,  —  correspondence 
between  royal  personages  or  between  minor  officials. 
Such  correspondence  begins  with  the  reign  of  Kham- 
murabi  of  Babylon  (about  2275  B.  c),  and  is  espe- 
cially abundant  under  the  great  Assyrian  kings  from 
Sargon  to  Ashurbanipal.  Not  belonging  to  the  epis- 
tolary literature  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia,  but  written 
in  the  cuneiform  character,  and  containing  letters  from 
kings  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia  as  well  as  to  them,  is 
the  famous  Tel-el-Amarna  correspondence,  taken  from 
the  archives  of  Amenhotep  IV.  of  Egypt,  —  in  all 
some  three  hundred  letters,  —  which  throws  a  won- 
derful light  upon  the  life  of  the  world  of  Western 
Asia  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.  c.  The  numerous 
inscriptions  describing  the  architectural  activities  of 
the  kings  belong  here  as  well  as  to  religious  Utera- 
ture.     Among  the  earliest  inscriptions  as  well  as  the 

3 


34  INTRODUCTION 

longest  which  have  been  discovered  are  the  pious 
memorials  of  royal  temple-builders.  The  inscriptions 
of  Nebuchadrezzar  II.  the  Great  deal  almost  entirely 
with  his  buildings. 

.'  31.  The  literature  of  law  is  very  extensive.  While 
no  complete  legal  code  for  either  Babylonia  or  Assyria 
has  been  discovered,  some  fragments  of  a  very  ancient 
document,  containing  what  seem  to  be  legal  enact- 
ments, indicate  that  such  codes  were  not  unknown. 
Recoixis  of  judicial  decisions,  of  business  contracts, 
and  similar  documents  which  are  drawn  up  with 
lawyer-like  precision,  attested  by  witnesses  and  after- 
wards deposited  in  the  state  archives,  come  from 
almost  all  periods  of  the  history  of  these  peoples, 
and  testify  to  their  highly  developed  sense  of  justice 
and  their  love  of  exact  legal  formalities. 
•'  32.  Science  and  religion  were  most  closely  related 
in  oriental  antiquity,  and  it  is  difficult  to  draw  the 
line  between  their  literatures.  Studies  of  the  heavens 
and  the  earth  were  zealously  made  by  Babylonian 
priests,  in  the  practical  search  after  the  character  and 
will  of  the  gods,  who  were  thought  to  have  their 
seats  in  these  regions.  In  their  investigations,  how- 
ever, the  priests  came  upon  many  important  facts 
of  astronomy  and  physical  science.  These  materials 
were  collected  into  large  works,  of  which  some  mod- 
ern scholars  have  believed  an  example  to  exist  in  the 
so-called  "  Illumination  of  Bel,"  which,  in  seven t^^-two 
books,  may  go  back  to  an  age  before  2000  b.  c.  Other 
similar  collections  are  geographical  lists,  rudimentary 
maps,  catalogues  of  animals,  plants,  and  minerals. 
The  ritual  calendars  which  were  carefully  compiled 
for  the  priests  and  temple  worshippers  illustrate  the 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF  THE   LITERATURE  35 

beginnings  of  a  scientific  division  of  time.  Education 
is  represented  also  in  grammatical  and  lexicographical 
works,  as  well  as  in  the  school  books  and  reading 
exercises  prepared  for  the  training-schools  of  the 
scribes. 

33.  Of  works  in^  lighter  vein  but  few  examples 
have  been  found.  The  epics  indeed  may  be  classed 
as  poetry,  and  served  equally  the  purposes  of  religious 
edification  and  entertainment.  Besides  these,  frag- 
ments of  folk  songs  have  been  found.  Folk  tales  are 
represented  by  some  remains  of  fables.  Popular 
legends  gathered  about  the  famous  kings  of  the  early 
age';  an  example  of  which  is  the  autobiographical 
fragment  attributed  to  Sargon  I.  of  Agade.  In  com- 
parison, however,  with  the  tales  which  adorn  the 
literature  of  ancient  Egypt,  Assyria  and  Babylonia 
were  singularly  barren  in  light  literature. 

34.  The  word  "  literature  "  in  the  preceding  para- 
graphs has  been  used  with  what  may  seem  an  unwar- 
ranted latitude  of  meaning.  Neither  in  content,  nor 
in  form,  nor  in  purpose  could  much  of  the  writing 
described  be  strictly  included  in  that  term.  But,  in 
the  study  of  the  ancient  world,  every  scrap  of  written 
evidence  is  precious  to  the  historian,  and  these  crude 
attempts  are  the  beginnings,  both  in  form  and  in 
thought,  of  true  literary  achievement.  The  form  of 
literature  was  fundamentally  limited  by  the  material 
on  which  books  were  written.  It  demands  simple 
sentences,  brief  and  unadorned,  —  what  might  be 
called  the  lapidary  style.  Imitation  and  repetition, 
are  also  characteristic.  The  royal  inscriptions  have  a 
stereotyped  order.  In  religious  hymns  and  prayers, 
epithets  of  gods  and  forms  of  address  tend  constantly 


36  INTRODUCTION 

to  reappear  from  age  to  age  with  wearisome  monot- 
lonj.  Lack  of  true  imaginative  power,  and,  at  the 
fsame  time,  a  realistic  sense  for  facts  show  themselves ; 
the  one  in  the  grotesqueness  of  the  poetical  imagery, 
the  other  in  the  blunt  straightforward  statements  of 
the  historical  inscriptions.  Yet  even  in  the  earliest 
poetical  composition,  the  principle  of  "  parallelism," 
or  the  balancing  of  expressions  in  corresponding 
lines,  w^as  employed,  a  device  which,  supplying  the 
place  of  rhyme,  became  so  powerful  a  means  of 
expression  in  the  mouth  of  the  Hebrew  prophet.  A 
progress  in  ease  and  force  of  utterance  is  traceable 
also  in  the  royal  inscriptions,  if  one  compares  that 
of  Tiglathpileser  I.  with  those  of  Esarhaddon  or 
Ashurbanipal.  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  indeed,  in 
this  sphere  as  in  so  many  others,  were  great  not  so 
mucli  in  what  they  actually  wrought  as  in  the  ex- 
ample they  gave  and  the  influences  they  set  in  motion. 
They  planted  the  seeds  which  matured  after  they 
themselves  had  passed  away. 


IV 

CHRONOLOGY    AND    HISTORY 

35.  An  essential  condition  for  adequate  knowledge 
of  an  ancient  people  is  the  possession  of  a  continuous 
historical  tradition  in  the  form  of  oral  or  written 
records.  This,  however,  in  spite  of  the  mass  of  con- 
temporaneous documents  of  almost  every  sort,  which 
the  spade  of  the  excavator  has  unearthed  and  the 
skill  of  the  scholar  deciphered,  is  not  available  for 
scientific  study  of  Babylonian  or  Assyrian  antiquity. 
From  the  far-off  morning  of  the  beginnings  of  the 
two  peoples  to  their  fall,  no  historians  appeared  to 
gather  up  the  memorials  of  their  past,  to  narrate  and 
preserve  the  annals  of  these  empires,  to  hand  down 
their  achievements  to  later  days.  Consequently,  where 
contemporaneous  records  fail,  huge  gaps  occur  in  the 
course  of  historical  development,  to  be  bridged  over 
only  partially  by  the  combination  of  a  few  facts  with 
more  or  less  ingenious  inferences  or  conjectures. 
Sometimes  what  has  been  preserved  from  a  particular 
age  reveals  clearly  enough  the  artistic  or  religious 
elements  of  its  life,  but  offers  only  vague  hints  of  its 
political  activity  and  progress.  The  true  perspective 
of  the  several  periods  is  sometimes  lost,  as  when 
really  critical  epochs  in  the  history  of  these  peoples  are 
dwarfed  and  distorted  by  a  lack  of  sources  of  know!- 


38  INTRODUCTION 

edge,  while  others,  less  significant,  but  plentifully 
stocked  with  a  variety  of  available  material,  bulk  large 
and  assume  an  altogether  unwarranted  prominence. 

36.  What  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  failed  to 
do  in  supplying  a  continuous  historical  record  was 
not  accomplished  for  them  by  the  later  historians  of 
antiquity.  Herodotus,  in  the  first  Book  of  his  "  His- 
tories," devotes  twenty-three  chapters  to  Babylonian 
affairs  (Bk.  I.  178-200),  and  refers  to  an  Assyrian 
history  in  which  he  will  write  more  at  length  of  these 
events  (I.  184).  But  the  latter,  if  written,  has  been 
utterly  lost,  and  the  chapters  just  mentioned,  while 
containing  information  of  value,  especially  that 
which  he  himself  collected  on  the  ground,  or  drew 
from  an  earlier  traveller,  pr,esumably  Hecatseus  of 
Miletus,  give  distorted  and  fantastic  legends  where 
sober  history  might  be  expected.  Ctesias  of  Cnidos, 
physician  at  the  court  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon  (415- 
398  B.  c),  who  seems  to  have  had  access  to  some 
useful  Assyrian  material  from  Persian  sources,  intro- 
duced his  Persian  History  with  an  account  of  Baby- 
lonio- Assyrian  affairs,  in  which  the  same  semi-mythical 
tales  were  interspersed  with  dry  lists  of  kings  in  so 
hopeless  a  jumble  of  truth  and  falsehood  as  to  recon- 
cile us  to  the  disappointment  of  having  only  a  few 
fragments  of  it. 

37.  It  is,  however,  a  cause  of  keen  regret  that  the 
three  books  of  Babylonian  or  Clialdean  History,  by 
Berosus,  have  come  down  from  the  past  only  in  scanty 
excerpts  of  later  historians.  Berosus  was  a  Babylo- 
nian priest  of  the  god  Bel,  and  wrote  his  work  for 
the  Macedonian  ruler  of  Babylonia,  Antiochus  Soter, 
about  280  b.  c.     As  the  cuneiform  writing  was  still 


BEROSUS  AND  PTOLEMY  39 

employed,  he  must  have  been  able  to  use  the  original 
documents,  and  could  have  supplied  just  the  needed 
data  for  our  knowledge.  Still,  the  passages  preserved 
indicate  that  he  had  no  proper  conception  of  his  task, 
since  he  filled  a  large  part  of  his  book  with  mythical 
stories  of  creation  and  incredible  tales  of  primitive 
history,  with  its  prediluvian  dynasties  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  years.  A  postdiluvian  dynasty  of  thirty- 
four  thousand  ninety-one  years  prepares  the  way  for 
five  dynasties,  reaching  to  Nabonassar,  king  of  Baby- 
lon (747  B.C.),  from  whose  time  the  course  of  events 
seems  to  have  been  told  in  greater  detail  down  to  the 
writer's  own  days.  Imperfect  and  crude  as  this  work 
must  have  been,  it  was  by  far  the  most  trustworthy 
and  important  compendious  account  of  Babylonio- 
Assyrian  history  furnished  by  any  ancient  author,  and 
for  that  reason  would,  even  to-day,  be  highly  valued. 
A  still  more  useful  contribution  to  the  chronological 
framework  of  history  w^as  made  by  Ptolemy,  a  geog- 
rapher and  astronomer  of  the  time  of  the  Roman  Em- 
peror, Antoninus  Pius.  Ptolemy's  "  Canon  of  Kings," 
compiled  for  astronomical  purposes,  starts  with  the 
same  Nabonassar  at  whose  time  Berosus  begins  to 
expand  his  history,  and  continues  with  the  names 
and  regnal  years  of  the  Babylonian  kings  to  the  fall 
of  Babylon.  Since  Ptolemy  proceeds  with  the  list 
through  the  Persian,  Macedonian,  and  Roman  regnal 
lines  in  continuous  succession,  and  connects  the  era 
of  Nabonassar  with  those  of  Philip  Arridseus  and 
Augustus,  a  synchronism  with  dates  of  the  Christian 
era  is  established,  by  which  the  reign  of  Nabonassar 
can  be  fixed  at  747-733  B.C.  and  the  reigns  of  his 
successors  similarly  stated  in  terms  of  our  chronology. 


40  INTRODUCTION 

By  this  means,  not  only  is  a  chronological  basis  of 
special  value  laid  for  this  later  age  of  Babylonian 
history,  but  a  starting-point  is  given  for  working 
backward  into  the  earlier  periods,  provided  that  ade- 
quate data  can  be  secured  from  other  sources. 

38.  Happily  for  historical  science,  the  original 
documents  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  are  unexpectedly 
rich  in  material  available  for  this  purpos'e.  As  already 
stated  (sect.  29),  the  Assyrians  were  remarkably 
gifted  with  the  historic  sense,  and  not  only  do  their 
royal  annals  and  other  similar  documents  contain  many 
and  exact  chronological  statements,  but  there  was  in 
vogue  in  the  royal  court  a  practical  system  which  went 
far  toward  compensating  for  the  lack  of  an  era  accord- 
ing to  which  the  dates  of  events  might  be  definitely 
fixed.  From  the  royal  officers  one  was  appointed 
each  year  to  give  his  name  to  the  year.  He  or 
his  official  status  during  that  period  was  called  limu^ 
and  events  or  documents  were  dated  by  his  name.  The 
king  usually  acte'd  as  limu  for  the  first  full  year  of  his 
reign.  He  was  followed  in  succession  by  the  Tui;tan, 
or  commander-in-chief,  the  Grand  Vizier,  the  Chief 
Musician,  the  Chief  Eunuch,  and  the  goVernors  of 
the  several  provinces  or  cities.  Lists  of  these  limi 
were  preserved  in  the  royal  archives,  forming  a  fixed 
standard  of  the  greatest  practical  value,  for  the 
checking  off  of  events  or  the  dating  of  documents. 
While  this  system  was  in  use  in  Assyria  as  early 
as  the  fourteenth  century,  the  lists  which  have 
been  discovered  are  of  much  later  date  and  of  vary- 
ing length,  the  longest  extending  from  893  B.C.  to 
about  650  b.  c.  Sometimes  to  the  mere  name  of  the 
limu  was  added   a  brief  remark  as  to  some  Qvent 


BABYLONIAN  CHRONOLOGY  41 

of  his  year.  Such  a  reference  to  an  eclipse  of  the 
sun  occurring  in  the  limu  of  Pur-Sagali  in  the 
reign  of  Ashurdan  III.,  has  been  calculated  to  have 
taken  place  on  the  fifteenth  of  June,  763  b.  c,  a  fact 
wliich  at  once  fixes  the  dates  for  the  whole  list  and 
enables  its  data  to  be.  compared  with  those  derived 
from  tlTe  synchronisms  of  the  canon  of  Ptolemy  and 
other  sources.  The  result  confirms  the  accuracy 
of  the  Assyrian  document,  and  affords  a  trustworthy 
chronological  basis  for  fully  three-  centuries  of  Assy- 
rian history.  For  the  earlier  period  before  900  B.  c. 
the  ground  is  more  uncertain,  but  the  genealogical 
and  chronological  statements  of  the  royal  inscriptions, 
.coupled  with  references  to  contemporaneous  Baby- 
lonian kings  whose  dates  are  calculable  from  native 
sources,  supply  a  foundation  which,  if  lacking  in 
some  p^rts,  is  yet  capabl^f  supporting  the  structure 
of  .historical  development. 

39.  The  Bab3^1onians,  while  they  possessed  nothing 
like  the  well  wrought  out  limu  system  of  Assyria,  and 
dated  events  -by  tlie  regnal  years  of _  their  kings,  had 
in  their  kings'  lists,  compiled  by  the  priests  and 
preserved  in  the  temples,  documents  of  much  value 
for  historical  purposes.  The  "Great  List,"  which 
has  been  preserved,  arranges  the  names  in  dynasties, 
and  gives,  the  regnal  years  of  each  king.  At  the  end 
of  .each  dynasty,  the  number  of  the  kings  and  the  sum 
of  their  regnal  years  are  added.  Though  badly  broken 
in  parts,  this  list  extends  over  a  millennium,  and  con- 
tains legible  names-  of  at  least  seventy  kings  arranged 
in  about  nine  dynasties.  As  the  last  division  con- 
tains names  of  rulers  appearing  in  the  Assyrian  and 
Ptolemaic   canon,  the  starting-point    is  given  for  a 


42  INTRODUCTION 

chronological  organization  of  the  Babylonian  kings, 
which  unfortunately  can  be  only  approximately 
achieved,  owing  to  the  gaps  in  the  list.  The  two 
otlier  lists  now  available  cover  the  first  two  dynasties 
only  of  the  great  list.  Not  only  do  they  differ  in 
some  respects  from  one  another,  but  they  do  not  help 
in  furnishing  the  missing  names  in  the  great  list. 
These  can  be  tentatively  supplied  from  inscriptions  of 
kings  not  mentioned  on  the  lists,  and  presumably  be- 
longing to  periods  in  which  the  gaps  occur.  Using 
all  the  means  at  their  disposal,  scholars  have  generally 
agreed  in  placing  the  beginning  of  the  first  dynasty  of 
Babylon  somewhat  later  than  2500  B.  c. 

40.  For  the  chronology  of  Babylonian  history  be- 
fore that  time,  the  sources  are  exceedingly  meagre, 
and  all  results,  depending  as  they  do  upon  calculation 
and  inference  from  uncertain  data,  must  be  regarded 
as  precarious.  Numerous  royal  inscriptions  exist,  but 
connections  between  the  kings  mentioned  are  not 
easy  to  establish,  and  paleographic  evidence,  which 
must  be  invoked  to  determine  the  relative  age  of  the 
documents,  yields  often  ambiguous  responses.  A 
fixed  point,  indeed,  in  this  chaos  seems  to  be  offered 
in  a  statement  made  by  Nabuna'id,  a  king  of  the  New 
Babylonian  Empire.  In  searching  for  the  foundations 
of  the  sun  temple  at  Sippar,  he  came,  to  use  his  own 
words,  upon  "  the  foundation-stone  of  Naram  Sin, 
which  no  king  before  me  had  found  for  3200  years." 
As  the  date  of  the  discovery  is  fixed  at  about  550  B.  c, 
Naram  Sin,  king  of  Agade,  whose  name  and  inscrip- 
tions are  known,  may  be  placed  at  about  3750  b.  c, 
and  his  father,  Sargon,  at  about  3800  b.  c.  While 
much  questioning  has  naturally  been  raised  concern- 


PERIODS  OF  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT         43 

ing  the  accuracy  and  trustworthiness  of  this  date 
thus  obtained,  no  valid  reasons  for  discarding  it  have 
been  presented.  It  affords  a  convenient  and  useful 
point  from  which  to  reckon  backward  and  forward 
in  the  uncertain  periods  from  the  third  to  the  fifth 
millennium  b.  c.  By  all  these  aids,  to  which  are 
added  some  genealogical  statements  in  the  inscrip- 
tions, a  series  of  dynasties  has  been  worked  out  for 
this  early  age,  and  their  chronological  relations  to  one 
another  tentatively  determined. 

41.  It  is  possible,  therefore,  with  a  reasonable  de- 
gree of  accuracy,  to  determine  chronologically  not 
only  the  great  turning  points  in  Babylonio-Assyrian 
history,  but  even  the  majority  of  the  dynasties  and 
the  reigns  of  the  several  kings.  Founded  upon  this, 
the  historical  structure  may  be  reared,  and  its  various 
stages  and  their  relations  determined.  A  bird's-eye 
view  of  these  will  facilitate  further  progress.  First 
in  order  of  time  comes  the  Rise  and  Development  of 
the  City-States  of  Old  Babylonia  to  their  unification  in 
the  City -State  of  Babylon.  In  the  dawn  of  history 
different  primitive  centres  of  population  in  the  lower 
Tigro-Euphrates  valley  appeared,  attained  a  vigorous 
and  expanding  life,  came  into  contact  one  with  an- 
other, and  successively  secured  a  limited  supremacy, 
only  to  give  place  to  others.  The  process  was  already 
in  full  course  by  5000  B.  c.  By  the  middle  of  the 
third  millennium,  the  city  of  Babylon  pushed  forward 
under  a  new  dynasty ;  one  of  its  kings  succeeded  in 
driving  out  the  Elamites,  who  had  invaded  and  were 
occupying  the  southern  and  central  districts ;  the 
victory  was  followed  by  the  city's  supremacy,  which 
was  not  only  more  widely  extended,  but,  by  the  wis- 


44  INTRODUCTION 

dom  of  its  kings,  was  more  deeply  rooted,  and  was 
thus  made  permanent.  With  Babylonia  united  under 
Babylon,  the  first  epoch  closed  about  2000  B.  c. 

42.  The  second  period  covers  the  Early  Conflicts 
of  Babylonia  and  Assyria. .  The  peaceful  course  of 
united  Babylonia  was  interrupted  by  the  entrance  of 
the  Kassites  from  the  east,  who  succeeded  in  seating  a 
dynasty  of  Kassite  kings  upon  the  throne  of  Babylonia, 
and  maintaining  them  there  for  nearly  six  hundred 
years.  But  this  foreign  intrusion  and  dominance 
had  roused  into  independent  life  a  Semitic  community 
which  had  its  centre  at  Assur  on  the  central  Tigris, 
and  in  all  probability  was  an  offshoot  from  Baby- 
lonia. This  centre  of  active  political  life  developed 
steadily  toward  the  north  and  west,  but  was  domi- 
nated chiefly  by  its  hostility  toward  Babylonia  under 
Kassite  rule.  Having  become  the  kingdom  of  Assyria, 
it  warred  with  the  southern  kingdom,  the  advan- 
tage on  the  whole  remaining  with  the  Assyrian  until, 
toward  the  close  of  the  epoch,  a  great  ruler  appeared 
in  the  north,  Tiglathpileser  I.,  under  whom  Assyria 
advanced  to  the  first  place  in  the  Tigro-Euphrates 
valley ;  while  Babylonia,  its  Kassite  rulers  yielding  to 
a  native  dynasty,  fell  into  political  insignificance. 
The  forces  that  controlled  the  age  had  run  their 
course  by  1000  b.  c. 

43.  The  third  period  is  characterized  by  the  Ascen- 
dancy of  Assyria.  The  promise  of  pre-eminence 
given  in  Tiglathpileser  I.  was  not  fulfilled  for  two 
centuries,  owing  to  the  flooding  of  the  upper  Meso- 
potamian  plain  with  Aramean  nomads  from  the  Ara- 
bian steppes.  At  last,  as  the  ninth  century  began, 
Ashurnagirpal  led  the  way  in  an  onward  movement 


PERIODS  OF  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT       45 

of  Assyria  which  culminated  in  the  extension  of  the 
kingdom  over  the  entire  region  of  western  Asia. 
Shalmaneser  II.,  Tiglathpileser  III.,  and  Sargon, 
great  generals  and  administrators,  turned  a  kingdom 
into  an  empire.  The  first  wore  out  the  resistance  of 
the  Syrian  states,  the  second  added  Babylonia  to  the 
Assyrian  Empire,  and  the  third,  as  conqueror  of  the 
north,  ruled  from  the  Persian  gulf  to  the  border  of 
Egypt  and  the  upper  sea  of  Ararat.  The  rulers  that 
followed  compelled  Egypt  to  bow,  and  reduced  Elam 
to  subjection,  but  at  the  expense  of  the  vital  powers 
of  the  state.  New  peoples  appeared  upon  the  eastern 
border,  revolt  deprived  the  empire  of  its  provinces, 
until,  in  less  than  two  decades  after  the  death  of  the 
brilliant  monarch  Ashurbanipal,  Nineveh,  Ass^gj^a's 
capital,  was  destroyed,  and  the  empire  disappeared 
suddenly  and  forever.  Four  centuries  were  occupied 
with  this  splendid  history  and  its  tragical  catastrophe. 
The  age  closed  with  the  passing  of  the  seventh  cen- 
tury (600  B.  c). 

44.  Of  the  partners  in  the  overthrow  of  Assyria, 
the  rebellious  governor  of  the  province  of  Babylonia 
received  as  his  share  of  the  spoil  the  Tigro-Euphrates 
valley  and  the  Mediterranean  provinces.  He  founded 
here  the  New  Babylonian  Empire.  Its  brief  career 
of  less  than  a  century  concluded  the  history  of  these 
peoples.  Under  his  son,  the  famous  Nebuchadrezzar 
II.,  the  empire  was  consolidated,  its  resources  enlarged, 
its  power  displayed.  His  feeble  successors,  however, 
were  beset  with  manifold  difficulties,  chief  of  which 
was  the  rising  energy  of  the  Medes  and  Persians  who 
had  shared  in  the  booty  of  Assyria.  United  under 
the  genius  of  Cyrus,  they  pushed  westward  and  north- 


46  INTRODtTCTlOlJ 

ward,  until  the  hour  came  for  advancing  on  Babylon. 
The  hollow  shell  of  the  empire  was  speedily  crushed, 
and  the  Semitic  peoples,  whose  rulers  had  dominated 
this  world  of  western  Asia  for  more  than  four  millen- 
niums, yielded  the  sceptre  in  538  b.  c.  to  Cyrus  the 
Persian. 


PART    I 

THE    CITY    STATES    OF    BABYLONIA  AND 

THEIR  UNIFICATION  UNDER  BABYLON 

TO   2000   B.C. 


THE  DAWN  OF  HISTORY 

45.  The  earliest  indications  of  human  settlement 
in  the  Tigro-Euphrates  valley  come  from  the  lower 
alluvial  plain  (sect.  3)  known  as  Babylonia.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  see  how  the  physical  features  of  this  region 
were  adapted  to  make  it  a  primitive  seat  of  civiliza- 
tion. A  burning  sun,  falling  upon  fertile  soil  enriched 
and  watered  by  mighty,  inundating  streams,  - —  these 
are  conditions  in  which  man  finds  ready  to  his  hand 
everything  needed  to  sustain  and  stimulate  his  ele- 
mental wants.  Superabounding  fruitfulness  of  nature, 
plant,  animal,  and  man,  contributes  to  his  comfort  and 
progress.  Coming  with  flocks  and  herds  from  the 
surrounding  deserts,  he  finds  ample  pasturage  and 
inexhaustible  water  everywhere,  an  oasis  inviting  him 
to  a  permanent  abiding-place.  He  cannot  but  abandon 
his  nomadic  life  for  settlement.  The  land,  however, 
does  not  encourage  inglorious  ease.  Wild  nature 
must  be  subdued  and  waste  tracts  occupied  as  popu- 
lations increase.  The  inundations  are  found  to  occur 
at  regular  intervals  and  to  be  of  definite  duration. 
They  may  be  regulated  and  their  fruitful  waters 
directed  upon  barren  soils,  making  them  fertile.  All 
suggests  order  and  requires  organization  on  the  part 
of  those  settled  along  the  river  banks.  From  the 
same  generous  source  are  supplied  mud  and  bitumen 


50  OLD   BABYLONIA 

for  the  erection  of  permanent  dwellings.  The  energies 
of  the  inhabitants  of  such  a  country  would  naturally 
be  absorbed  in  developing  its  abundant  resources. 
They  would  be  a^  peacefuLiQlk^^given  to  agriculture. 
Trade,  also,  is  facilitated  by  the  rivers,  natural 
highways  through~the "  land,"ahd"  with  trade  comes 
industry,  both  stimulated  by  the  generous  gifts  of 
nature,  among  which  the  palm-tree  is  easily  supreme. 
Thus,  at  a  time  when  regions  less  suggestive  and 
responsive  to  human  activity  lay  unoccupied  and 
barren,  this  favored  spot  was  inevitably  the  scene 
of  organized  progressive  human  activity  already 
engaged  upon  the  practical  problems  of  social  and 
political  life.  It  furnishes  for  the  history  of  man- 
kind the  most  ancient  authentic  records  at  present 
known. 

46.  The  position  of  the  Babylonian  plain  is  like- 
wise prophetic  of  its  history.  It  is_  an  B^cessible  land 
(sect.  11).  Races  and  civilizations  were  to  meet  and 
mingle  there.  It  was  to  behold  innumerable  political 
changes  due  to  invasion  and  conquest.  In  turn,  the 
union  of  peoples  was  to  produce  a  strong  and  abiding 
social  amalgam,  capable  of  absorbing  aliens  and  pre- 
serving their  best.  This  civilization,  because  it  lay  thus 
open  to  all,  was  to  contribute  widely  to  the  world's 
progress.  It  made  commercial  highways  out  of  its 
rivers.  The  passes  of  the  eastern  and  northern 
mountains  were  doorways,  not  merely  for  invading 
tribes,  but  also  for  peaceful  armies  of  merchants 
marching  to  and  from  the  ends  of  the  world,  and 
finding  their  common  centre  in  its  cities. 
V  47.  At  the  period  when  history  begins,  all  these 
processes  of  development  were  already  well  advanced. 


THE  EARLIEST  SEATS  OF  CULTURE  61 

Not  only  are  the  beginnings  of  civilization  in  Babylo- 
nia quite  hidden  from  our  eyes,  but  the  various  stages 
in  the  course  of  that  first  civilization,  extending  over 
thousands  of  years,  are  equally  unknown,  except  as 
they  may  be  precariously  inferred  from  that  which 
the  beginnings  of  historical  knowledge  reveal.  The 
earliest  inscriptions  which  have  been  unearthed  dis- 
close social  and  political  life  already  in  full  operation. 
Not  only  has  mankind  passed  beyond  the  period  of 
savage  and  even  pastoral  existence,  but  agriculture  is 
the  chief  occupation ;  the  irrigating  canals  have  begun 
to  distribute  the  river  water  to  the  interior  of  the 
land ;  the  population  is  gathered  into  settled  com- 
munities ;  cities  are  built ;  states  are  established,  ruled 
over  by  kings ;  the  arts  of  life  are  developed ;  lan- 
guage has  already  been  reduced  to  written  form,  and 
is  employed  for  literary  purposes ;  religion  is  an 
essential  element  of  life,  and  has  its  priests  and 
temples. 

48.  The  seat  of  the  most  advanced  and  presumably 
the  most  ancient  ^jstqrical  life  appears  to  have 
beeiT^ie  southernmost  part  oT^Tie^Euphrates  valley. 
As~i^:ie-^^vef-^'eaehed-the''gutf,^^ridbr-then-  stretched 
more  than  a  hundred  miles  northwest  of  its  present 
shore  line,  it  spread  out  over  the  surrounding  country 
in  a  shallow  sea.  Upon  the  higher  ground  to  the  east 
and  west  of  the  lowlands  made  marvellously  fertile 
by  this  natural  irrigation,  the  earliest  cities  were 
planted.  Farthest  to  the  south,  presumably  close  to 
the  gulf  and  west  of  the  river  mouth,  was  the  ancient 
Eridu  (now  Abu  Shahrein  or  Nowawis),  the  seat  of  a 
temple  for  the  w^qrshipjof  Ea,  the  god  of  the  waters. 
Here,  no  doubt,  was  told  the  story  of  Cannes,  the  being 


62  OLD  BABYLONIA 

that  came  up  daily  from  the  sea  to  converse  with  men, 
to  teach  them  letters,  arts,  and  sciences,  everything 
which  could  tend  to  soften  manners  and  humanize 
mankind,  and  at  night  returned  to  the  deep,  —  a  myth 
of  the  sun,  perhaps,  associated  with  the  recollection  of 
the  beginnings  of  culture  in  this  coast  city  which, 
without  tradition  of  political  importance,  was  hal- 
lowed as  a  primitive  centre  of  civilization  and  religion. 
Some  ten  miles  to  the  west  lay  Ur,  "the  city"  (at 
present  called  Mugheir),  now  a  few  miles  west  of 
the  river  in  the  desert,  but  once,  hke  Eridu,  a  com- 
mercial city  on  the  gulf.  Here  was  the  temple  of 
Sin,  the  moon  god,  the  ruins  of  which  rise  seventy 
feet  above  the  plain.  Across  the  river,  thirty  miles 
to  the  northeast,  stood  Larsam  (now  Senkereh),  the 
biblical  Ellasar,  where  the  sun  god  Shamash  had  his 
temple.  Twelve  miles  away  to  the  northwest  was 
Uruk,  the  biblical  Erech  (now  Warka),  the  seat 
of  the  worship  of  tlie  goddess  Ishtar.  Mar  (now 
perhaps  Tel  Ede),  a  little  known  site,  lay  about  the 
same  distance  north.  Thirty-five  miles  east  of  Mar, 
on  the  ancient  canal  now  known  as  Shatt-el-Hai,  con- 
necting the  Tigris  with  the  Euphrates,  was  Shirpurla, 
or  Lagash  (now  Tello),  looking  out  across  the  eastern 
plain,  the  frontier  city  of  the  early  period,  although 
fifty  miles  from  the  Tigris.  These  six  cities,  lying  at 
the  four  corners  of  an  irregular^~sqnaryj_ funn  the 
seuthernm^stHbodj--of-4wimitive''XT(5mmuniti^  already 
_fl(mriehmg^-at4;he"T}awn  of  history. 

49.  Situated  almost  exactly  in  the  centre  of  the 
ancient  plain  between  the  rivers,  about  fifty  miles 
north  of  Uruk,  was  the  already  famous  city  of  Nip- 
pur (now  Niffer).     Here  the  patron  deity  was  En-lil, 


THE  FIRST  NORTHERN  CITIES  53 

"  chief  spirit,"  called  also  Bel,  the  "  lord,"  god  of  the 
terrestrial  world.  A  long  period  of  prehistoric  politi- 
cal prominence  must  be  assumed  to  explain  the  reli- 
gious prestige  of  this  city  and  of  its  god.  Religion  is 
its  sole  distinction  at  the  time  when  records  begin. 
But  how  great  must  have  been  that  prominence  to 
have  secured  for  the  city  a  claim  to  stand  with  Eridu 
as  one  of  the  two  earliest  centres  of  religion  !  En-lil 
was  a  father  of  gods,  and  his  fame  made  Nippur  the 
shrine  where  many  kings  were  proud  to  offer  their  gifts. 

50.  North  Babylonia  had  also  its  group  of  primitive 
cities,  chief  among  which  was  Kutha  (now  Tel  Ibra- 
him), the  biblical  Cuthah,  more  than  fifty  miles  north- 
west of  Nippur  in  the  centre  of  the  upper  plain.  Its 
god,  Nergal,  was  lord  of  the  world  of  the  dead.  Still 
further  north,  not  far  from  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Euphrates,  was  Sippar  (now  Abu  Habba),  where  the 
sun  god,  Shamash,  had  his  temple,  and  in  its  vicinity, 
probably,  was  Agade,  once  the  famous  capital  of  the 
land  of  Akkad.  More  uncertain  are  the  sites  of  those 
northern  cities  which  played  an  important  part  in  the 
political  activity  of  the  earlier  days,  but  soon  disap- 
peared, Kulunu  (the  biblical  Calneh),  Gishban  (?), 
and  Kish.  It  is  a  question  whether  Babylon  and  its 
sister  city  Borsippa  should  be  included  in  this  enu- 
meration. If  they  were  in  existence,  they  were  insig- 
nificant communities  at  this  time,  and  their  gods, 
Marduk  and  Nabu,  do  not  stand  high  in  the  ranks  of 
the  earliest  deities.  The  greatness  of  the  two  cities 
was  to  come,  and  to  compensate  by  its  splendor  for 
the  lateness  of  their  beginnings. 

51.  Who.  were  the  people  by  whose  energy  this 
region  was  transformed  into  so  fair  and  flourishing 


54  OLD  BABYLONIA 

a  land,  at  a  time  when  elsewhere,  with  hardly  an 
exception,  the  upward  course  of  humanity  did  not 
yet  reveal  any  trace  of  orderly  and  civilized  condi- 
tions ?  What  are  their  antecedents,  and  whence  did 
they  come  to  occupy  the  alluvial  plain  ?  These  ques- 
tions cannot  be  satisfactorily  answered,  because  our 
knowledge  of  the  facts  involved  is  insufficient  and 
the  conclusions  drawn  from  them  are  contradictory. 
Reference  has  already  been  made  (sect.  26)  to  the 
linguistic  phenomena  of  the  early  Babylonian  in- 
scriptions, and  the  opposite  inferences  drawn  from 
them.  The  historical  facts  bearing  on  the  question 
render  a  clearer  answer,  if  also  a  more  limited  one. 
Whatever  may  be  the  conjectures  based  upon  them  as 
to  prehistoric  conditions  and  movements,  these  facts 
at  the  beginning  of  history  testify-^at  the  civiliza- 

i^^tion  was  that  of^a_Sesutic-4ieQple^'^Inscriptions  of 
anundoubtedly^  Semitic  character  are  there,  and  the 
social,  political,  and  religious  phenomena  presented 
by  them  have  nothing  that  clearly  demonstrates  a  non- 
Semitic  character.  Nor  do  any  inscriptions,  myths,  or 
traditions  testify,  indubitably,  either  to  a  pre-Semitic 
population,  or  to  the  superimposing  upon  it  of  the 
Semitic  stock.  To  the  historian,  therefore,  the  prob- 
lem resolves  itself  into  this :  how  and  when  did  the 
Semitic  people  begin  to  occupy  this  Babylonian  plain  ? 
As  the  consensus  of  judgment  to-day  seems  to  favor 
Central  Arabia  as  the  primitive  home  of  the  Semites, 
•OTeir  advent  into  Babylonia  must  have  been  made  from 

-tfae'West,  ijy  moying  either  upward,  from  the  western 
si3e  of  the  Persian  gulf,  or  downward,  along  the 
Euphrates,  — a  drift  from  the  desert  as  steady  and 
continuous  as  the  sand  that  creeps  over  the  Babylo- 


THE  EARLY  BABYLONIAN  WORLD  55 

nian  border  from  the  same  source.  When  this  move- 
ment began  can  only  be  conjectured  from  the  length  of 
time  presumably  required  to  develop  the  civilization 
which  existed  as  early  as  5000  B.  c,  back  to  which  date 
the  earliest  materials  must  certainly  be  carried.  The 
processes  already  indicated  as  having  preceded  this 
time  (sects.  45,  47),  suggest  to  what  distant  ages  the 
incoming  of  the  first  settlers  must  be  assigned. 

52.  The  Babylonian  primitive  civilization  did  not 
stand  alone  or  isolated  in  this  dawn  of  history.  It  lay 
in  the  midst  of  a  larger  world,  with  some  regions  of 
which  it  had  already  entered  into  relations.  To  the 
northwest,  along  the  Euphrates,  nomadic  tribes  still 
wandered,  although  there  are  indications  that,  on  the 
upper  river,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  old  city  of  Haran, 
a  Semitic  culture  was  already  appearing.  The  Bed- 
ouin of  the  western  desert  hung  on  the  frontier  as  a 
constant  menace,  or  wandered  into  the  cultivated 
land  to  swell  the  Semitic  population.  To  the  north, 
along  the  eastern  banks  of  the  upper  Tigris,  and  on 
the  flanks  of  the  mountains  were  centres  of  primitive 
organization,  as  among  the  Guti  and  the  Lulubi,  whose 
kings,  some  centuries  later,  left  Semitic  inscriptions. 
But  particularly  active  and  aggressive  were  the  peo- 
ple of  the  highlands  east  of  Babylonia  known  by 
the  collective  name  of  Elam.  The  countiy  sloped 
gently  down  to  the  Tigris,  and  was  watered  by 
streams  descending  from  the  hills.  The  people 
were  hardy  and  warUke.  They  had  already  devel- 
oped or  acquired  from  their  neighbors  across  the 
river  the  elements  of  organization  and  civilization. 
Through  their  }3orders  ran  the  trade-routes  from  the 
east.     Among  the  earliest  memorials  of  history  are 


56  OLD  BABYLONIA 

evidences  of  their  active  interference  in  Babylonian 
affairs,  in  which  they  were  to  play  so  important  a 
part  in  the  future.  Commerce  was  to  bring  more  dis- 
tant places  ii^to  the  ^circle  of  Babylonian  life.  On 
the  borders,  to  the  south,  were  the  ports  of  southern 
Arabia ;  far  to  the  west,  the  peoples  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean coast-lands  were  preparing  to  receive  the  visits 
of  traders  from  the  Euphrates ;  while  at  the  end  of 
the  then  known  world  was  the  rich  and  progressive 
nation  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  already,  perhaps,  in- 
debted to  the  dwellers  in  Babylonia  for  impulses 
toward  civilization,  which  they  were  themselves  to 
carry  to  so  high  a  point  in  the  ages  to  come. 


II 


MOVEMENTS  TOWARD  EXPANSION  AND 
UNIFICATION 

53.  The  cities  whose  existence  at  the  dawn  of 
history  has  already  been  noted,  were,  from  the  first, 
full  of  vigorous  activity.  The  impulses  which  led  to 
the  organization  of  social  life  sought  further  develop- 
ment. Cities  enlarged,  came  into  touch  with  their 
neighbors,  and  sought  to  dominate  them.  The  vary- 
ing success  of  these  movements,  the  rise,  splendor, 
and  decay  of  the  several  communities,  their  struggles 
with  one  another,  and  the  ever-renewed  activity 
which  carried  them  beyond  the  confines  of  Babylonia 
itself,  make  up  the  first  chapter  in  the  story.  It  is 
impossible  to  give  a  connected  and  detailed  account 
of  the  period,  owing  to  the  scantiness  of  the  materials 
and  the  difficulty  of  arranging  them  chronologically. 
The  excavations  of  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  have 
only  begun  to  suggest  the  wealth  of  inscriptions  and 
archaeological  matter  which  will  be  at  the  disposal  of 
the  future  student.  Much  new  light  has  been  gained 
which  makes  it  possible  to  take  general  views,  to 
trace  tendencies,  and  to  prepare  tentative  outlines 
which  discoveries  and  investigations  still  to  come 
will  fill  up  and  modify. 

54.  Some  general  titles  borne  by  rulers  of  the 
period  afford  a  striking  evidence  of  the  character  of 


58  OLD  BABYLONIA 

this  early  development.  Three  of  these  are  worthy 
of  special  mention,  namely,  "King  of  Shumer  and 
Akkad,"  "King  of  the  Totality  (world),"  "King 
of  the  Four  (world-)  Regions."  It  is  evident  that 
two  of  these  titles,  and  possibly  all,  refer  to  districts 
and  not  to  cities,  although  great  uncertainty  exists  as 
to  their  exact  geographical  position.  The  second  and 
third  would  suggest  universal  empire,  though  they 
might  be  localized  upon  particular  regions.  The 
"  Kingdom  of  the  Totality  "  is  thought  by  Winckler 
and  other  scholars  to  have  its  centre  in  northern 
Mesopotamia  about  the  city  of  Haran.  "  Shumer 
and  Akkad"  are  regarded  as  including  the  north- 
ern and  southern  parts  of  Babylonia.  The  "Four 
Regions,"  synonymous  with  the  four  points  of  the 
compass,  would  include  the  known  world  from  the 
eastern  mountains  and  the  Persian  gulf  to  the 
Mediterranean.  Whatever  may  be  learned  in  the 
future  respecting  the  exact  content  of  these  titles, 
they  illustrate  the  impulses  and  tendencies  which 
were  already  potent  in  these  primitive  communities. 
55.  This  period  of  expansion  and  unification  occu- 
pies more  than  two  millenniums  (about  4500-2250 
B.C.).  Three  stages  may  be  distinguished  in  what 
may  truly  be  called  this  wilderness  of  years.  (1) 
The  first  is  marked  by  the  struggles  of  cities  within 
Babylonia^or  locarsupremacy;__The  chief  rivalry  lay 
between  those~"ofthe  north  andtKose'TrMite  south. 
(2)  With  the  career  of  Sai;gon  L_X^&Q0-jb^.),  a  new 
ftrfljTppTjefl,  pharafiteri^d  by_the  extension  of  author- 
"ity  beyond  the  borders._of  -I^abylonkt-^^- Jar  -as  the 
MeditennTiEan'and  the  northern  mountains,  while  yet 
local  supremacy  shifted  from  city  to  city.     (3)  The 


BEGINNINGS  OF  CONTLICT  59 

third  epoch,  which  is,  at  the  same  time,  the  termi- 
natioiioF~t!ie~^peTtod  and  the  opening  of  a  new  age, 
sawjthefinal  consolidation  of  Babylonian  authority  at 
home  aLSnnSfoad  in  the  city-king  of  Babylon^  which 
henceforth  g"ave~its^name  to  land  and  government  and 
civilization.  In  each  of  these  ages,  some  names  of 
rulers  stand  out  as  fixed  points  in  the  vast  void, 
gaps  of  unknown  extent  appear,  and  historic  relations 
between  individual  actors  upon  the  wide  stage  are  pain- 
fully uncertain.  Some  account  in  the  barest  outline 
may  be  given  of  these  kings,  in  some  cases  hardly 
more  than  shadows,  whom  the  progress  of  investiga- 
tion will  in  time  clothe  with  flesh  and  blood,  and  assign 
the  place  and  significance  due  to  their  achievements. 

56.  The  struggle  has  already  begun  when  the 
first  known  king,  Enshagsagana  (about  4500  B.  c.)  of 
Kengi,  probably  southwestern  Babylonia,  speaks  of 
offering  to  the  god  of  Nippur  the  spoil  of  Kish, 
"  wicked  of  heart."  Somewhat  later  the  representa- 
tive of  the  south  in  the  wars  with  the  northern  cities, 
Kish  and  Gishban,  was  Shirpurla  (sect.  48).  Mesilim 
of  Kish  (about  4400  b.  c.)  made  Shirpurla  a  vassal 
kingdom.  It  recovered  under  the  dynasty  of  Ur 
Nina  (about  4200  B.C.),  who  called  himself  king, 
while  his  successors  were  satisfied  with  the  title  of 
patesi^  or  viceroy.  Two  of  these  successors  of  Ur 
Nina,  Eannatum  (Edingiranagin)  and  Entemena,  have 
left  inscriptions  of  some  length,  describing  their  vic- 
tories over  cities  of  the  north  and  south.  Gishban, 
rivalling  Kish  in  its  hostihty  to  the  south,  found 
a  vigorous  antagonist  in  Eannatum,  whose  famous 
"  Vulture  Stele  "  contains  the  terms  imposed  by  him 
upon  the  patesi  of  that  city. 


60  OLD  BABYLONIA 

Not  long  after,  a  king  of  Gishban,  Lugalzaggisi 
(about  4000  b.  c),  proclaimed  himself  "  king  of  Uruk, 
king  of  the  Totality,"  brought  also  Ur  and  Larsam 
under  his  sway,  and  offered  his  spoil  at  the  sacred 
shrine  of  Nippur.  He  was  practically  lord  of  Baby- 
lonia. His  inscription,  moreover,  goes  on  to  declare 
that "  from  the  lower  sea  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates 
to  the  upper  sea  (his  god)  made  straight  his  path; 
from  the  rising  of  the  sun  to  the  setting  of  the  same 
he  gave  him  tribute."  His  authority  extended  from 
the  Persian  gulf  to  the  Mediterranean.  A  later  king 
of  Kish,  Alusharshid  (about  3850  b.  c),  wrote  upon 
marble  vases  which  he  offered  at  Nippur,  his  boast 
of  having  subjugated  Elam  and  Bara'se,  the  elevated 
plains  to  the  east  and  northeast  of  Babylonia. 

57.  It  is  tempting  to  generalize  upon  these  six 
centuries  and  more  of  history.  The  most  obvious 
fact  has  already  been  mentioned,  namely,  that  the 
movement  toward  expansion,  incorporation,  and  uni- 
fication is  in  full  course.  But  more  definite  con- 
clusions may  be  reached.  There  are  those  who  see, 
in  the  arraying  of  north  against  south,  the  inevitable 
reaction  of  a  ruder  civilization  against  an  older  and 
higher  one.  The  earlier  culture  of  the  south,  and  its 
more  fully  developed  organization  had  pressed  upon 
the  northern  communities  and  attempted  to  absorb 
them  in  the  process  of  giving  them  civilization.  But 
gradual  decay  sapped  the  strength  of  the  southern 
states,  and  the  hardier  peoples  of  the  north,  having 
learned  the  arts  of  their  conquerors,  thirsted  for 
their  riches,  and  at  last  succeeded  in  overthrowing 
them.  A  more  definite  view  is  that  which  beholds  in 
the  aggressions  of  north  upon  south  the  steady  ad- 


SARGON  OF  AGADE  61 

vance  of  the  Semitic  people  upon  the  Sumerians 
(sect.  26),  and  the  process  of  fastening  the  yoke  of 
Semitic  political  supremacy  upon  Babylonia,  with  the 
accompanying  absorption  of  Sumerian  culture  by  the 
conquerors.  Another  conclusion  (that  of  Radau, 
Early  Babylonian  History)  finds  the  Semites  com- 
ing in  from  the  south  at  the  very  beginning  of  the 
period  and  pushing  northward  beyond  the  confines  of 
Babylonia.  Then  the  Semites  of  the  south,  having 
become  corrupted  b}^  the  higher  civilization  of  the 
Sumerians,  were  objects  of  attack  on  the  part  of  the 
more  virile  Semites  of  the  north  who,  turning  back 
upon  their  former  track,  came  down  and  occupied  the 
seats  of  their  brethren  and  renewed  the  purer  Semitic 
element.  There  may  be  some  truth  in  all  these  gen- 
eralizations, but  the  positions  are  so  opposed,  and  their 
foundations  are  as  yet  so  precarious,  that  assent  to 
their  definite  details  must,  for  the  present,  be  withheld 
from  all  of  them. 

58.  Shargani-shar-ali,  or,  as  he  is  more  commonly 
called,  Sargon  L,  king  of  the  city  of  Agade  (sect.  50), 
introduces  the  second  stage  in  early  Babylonian 
history.  His  son,  Naram  Sin,  is  said  by  Nabana'id, 
the  last  king  of  the  New  Babylonian  Empire,  to  have 
reigned  three  thousand  two  hundred  years  before  his 
own  time,  that  is,  about  3750  b.  c.  Sargon  lived, 
therefore,  about  3800  B.  c,  the  first  date  fixed,  with 
reasonable  certainty,  in  Babylonian  history,  and  a 
point  of  departure  for  earlier  and  later  chronology 
(sect.  40).  The  inscriptions  coming  directly  from 
Sargon  himself  and  his  son  are  few  and  historically 
unimportant.  Some,  found  at  Nippur,  indicate  that 
both  were  patrons  of  the  temple  and  worshippers  of 


62  OLD  BABfLONtA 

its  god.  A  tablet  of  omens,  written  many  centuries 
after  their  time,  ascribes  to  them  a  wide  range  of 
activity  and  splendid  achievement.  While  such  a 
document  may  contain  a  legendary  element,  the  truth 
of  its  testimony  in  general  is  substantiated  by  similar 
statements  recorded  in  contract  tablets  of  the  Sargonic 
age.  The  very  existence  of  such  legends  testifies  to 
the  impression  made  by  these  kings  on  succeeding 
generations.  An  interesting  example  of  this  type  of 
document  is  the  autobiographical  fragment  which 
follows : 

Sargon,  the  powerful  king,  King  of  Agade,  am  I. 

My  mother  was  of  low  degree,  my  father  I  did  not  know. 

The  brother  of  my  father  dwelt  in  the  mountain. 

My   city   was   Azupirani,  situate   on   the  bank   of  the 

Euphrates. 
(My)   humble    mother   conceived    me ;    in    secret   she 

brought  me  forth. 
She  placed  me  in  a  basket-boat  of  rushes  ;  with  pitch 

she  closed  ray  door. 
She  gave  me  over  to  the  river,  which  did  not  (rise)  over 

me. 
The   river  bore   me  along;   to   Akki,   the   irrigator,   it 

carried  me. 
Akki,  the  irrigator,  in  the  .   .  .  brought  me  to  land. 
Akki,  the  irrigator,  reared  me  as  his  own  son. 
Akki,  the  irrigator,  appointed  me  his  gardener. 
While  I  was  gardener,  Ishtar  looked  on  me  with  love 

[and] 
.  .  .  four  years  I  ruled  the  kingdom. 

(Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Literature,  p.  1.) 

59.  Sargon  was  a  great  conqueror.     Within  Baby- 
lonia, he  was  lord  of  Nippur,  Shirpurla,  Kish,  Babylon, 


THE  EMPIRE  OF  SARGON  63 

and  Uruk.  Beyond  its  borders,  he  and  his  son  carried 
their  arms  westward  to  the  Mediterranean,  northward 
into  Armenia,  eastward  into  Elam  and  among  the 
northeastern  peoples,  and  southward  into  Arabia  and 
the  islands  of  the  Persian  gulf.  To  illustrate  the 
character  of  these  wars,  reference  may  be  made  to  the 
omen  tablet,  which,  under  the  seventh  omen,  records 
a  three  years'  campaign  on  the  Mediterranean  coast, 
during  which  Sargon  organized  his  conquests,  erected 
his  images,  and  carried  back  the  spoil  to  his  own  land. 
Possessed  of  so  wide  authority,  Naram  Sin  assumed 
the  proud  title,  for  the  first  time  employed  by  a  Baby- 
lonian ruler,  "  King  of  the  Four  (world-)  Regions.'* 

60.  The  achievements  of  these  kings  were  both  a 
culmination  of  the  activities  of  the  earlier  city- kings, 
and  a  model  for  those  who  followed.  The  former  had 
from  time  to  time  gathered  parts  of  the  larger  world 
under  their  own  sway,  as  Lugalzaggisi  the  west,  and 
Alusharshid  .the  east.  But  the  incorporation  of 
the  whole  into  a  single  empire  was  the  work  of  the 
Sargonids,  and  no  dynasty  followed  which  did  not 
strive  after  this  ideal.  The  immediate  descendants  of 
Naram  Sin,  however,  have  left  no  monuments  to  indi- 
cate that  they  maintained  their  fathers'  glory,  and  the 
dynasty  of  Agade  disappeared  in  a  darkness  which 
stretches  over  nearly  half  a  millennium.  The  scene 
shifts  once  more  to  Shirpurla.  Here  the  patesiVv  Bau 
(about  3500  b.  c.)  ruled  peacefully,  and  was  followed 
by  other  princes,  whose^j^hieLdistinction  in  theic-own 
eyeT^aslHe~Su5diBg-^^-temples  and  the  service  of 
the  gods.  Foremost  among  these  irr  the  nrtmbep-oL 
insciiptioBMiidrworks'or art  which  commemorate  his 
career,  was   Gudea   (about  3100  B.  c).      The  only 


64  OLD  BABYLONIA 

warlike  deed  recorded  by  him  was  his  conquest  of 
Anshan  in  Elam,  but  the  wide  range  of  countries 
laid  under  contribution  for  materials  to  build  his 
temples  and  palaces  has  led  to  the  conviction  that  he 
must  have  been  an  independent  and  vigorous  ruler. 
The  absence  of  any  royal  titles  in  his  inscriptions, 
however,  coupled  with  the  slight  reference  to  military 
expeditions,  suggests,  rather,  that  his  building  opera- 
tions were  made  possible  because  his  state  formed  part 
of  the  domains  of  a  broad  empire,  like  that  which 
Sargon  founded  and  his  successors  ruled. 

61.  Peace,  however,  in  an  oriental  state  is  the  sign 
of  weakness,  and  the  extensive  works  of  Gudea  may 
have  exhausted  the  resources  of  Shirpurla  so  that,  after 
a  few  generations,  its  patesis  acknowledged  the  sway  of 
the  kings  of  Ur,  who  came  forward  to  make  a  new  con- 
tribution to  the  unification  of  Babylonia.  Ur  Gur  of 
Ur  and  his  son  Dungi  (about  3000  B.  c.)  were,  like 
their  predecessors  of  Shirpurla,  chiefly  proud  of  their 
temples,  if  the  testimony  of  the  great  mass  of  the  in- 
scriptions from  them  may  be  accepted.  But  they  are 
distinguished  from  Gudea  in  that  they  built  their 
temples  in  all  parts  of  the  land  of  Babylonia,  from 
Kutha  in  the  north  to  Shirpurla,  Nippur,  Uruk,  and  Ur 
in  the  south.  The  title  which  they  assumed,  that  of 
"  King  of  Shumer  and  Akkad,"  now  first  employed  by 
Babylonian  kings,  indicates  that  the  end  which  they 
had  attained  was  the  union  of  all  Babylonia,  north  and 
south,  under  one  sceptre.  The  building  of  the  various 
temples  in  the  cities  was  the  evidence  both  of  their 
interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  whole  land  and  of  their 
authority  over  it.  They  realized  the  ideal  which  ruled 
all  succeeding  dynasties,  namely,  a  united  Babylonia, 


DYNASTY  OF  UR  65 

although  it  is  probable  that  their  authority  over  the 
different  districts  was  often  very  slight.  Patesis  still 
maintained  themselves  in  Shirpurla  and,  doubtless, 
elsewhere,  although  they  acknowledged  the  supremacy 
of  the  king  of  Ur.  It  is  not  without  reason,  therefore, 
that  two  dynasties  ruling  in  other  cities  are  assigned  to 
the  period  immediately  following  that  of  the  dynasty 
of  Ur.  These  are  a  dynasty  of  Uruk,  consisting  of 
kings  Singashid  and  Singamil  the  former  of  whom 
calls  himself  also  king  of  Amnanu,  and  a  dynasty  of 
Isin,  a  city  of  southern  Babylonia,  whose  site  is  as 
yet  unknown.  The  latter  group  of  kings  claimed 
authority  also  over  Nippur,  Ur,  Eridu,  and  Uruk,  and 
called  themselves  "  Kings  of  Shumer  and  Akkad." 
As  such,  they  would  be  successors  of  the  kings  of  Ur, 
in  control  of  united  Babylonia. 

62.  Ur  came  forward  again  after  some  generations 
and  dominated  the  land  under  a  dynasty  whose  founder 
was  Gungunu ;  its  members  were  Ine  Sin,  Bur  Sin  II., 
Gimil  Sin,  some  others  less  known,  and,  probably,  a 
second  Dungi  (about  2800-2500  b.  c).  The  various 
forms  of  titles  attached  to  some  of  the  kings  of  Ur  have 
led  some  scholars  to  group  them  in  several  dynasties, 
but  the  evidence  is  not  at  present  sufficient.  The 
kings  above  mentioned,  considered  together,  are  no 
longer  called  kings  of  Sliumer  and  Akkad,  but  bear 
the  prouder  title  of  "King  of  the  Four  Regions." 
Our  knowledge  of  their  activities  fully  justifies  them 
in  assuming  it.  Numerous  contract  tablets,  dated 
from  events  in  their  reigns,  testify  to  campaigns 
in  Syria,  Arabia,  and  Elam.  The  most  vigorous 
of  these  rulers  was  Dungi  II.,  who  reigned  more 
than  fifty  years.     He  built  temples  in  various  cities, 

5 


QQ  OLD  BABYLONIA 

made  at  least  nine  expedi lions  into  the  west,  and 
seems  to  have  placed  members  of  his  own  family  as 
governors  in  the  conquered  cities,  if  one  may  trust  the 
interpretation  of  inscriptions  to  the  effect  that  his 
daughters  were  appointed  rulers  in  Syria  and  Anshan. 
He  was  worshipped  as  a  god  after  his  death,  and  his 
successors  named  the  eighth  month  of  the  year  in  his 
honor.  This  dynasty  may,  not  unreasonably,  be  re- 
garded as  one  of  the  most  notable  thus  far  ruling  in 
Babylonia,  uniting,  as  it  did,  authority  over  the  home- 
land with  vigorous  movement  into  the  surrounding 
regions,  and  control  over  the  east  and  the  west. 
yf  63.  A  period  of  some  confusion  followed  the  passing 
of  this  sovereignty  of  Ur  (about  2400-2200  B.  c).  A 
dynasty  of  the  city  of  Babylon,  the  first  recorded  by 
the  priests  in  the  dynastic  tablets,  was  founded  by 
Sumu-abu  (about  2400  B.  c.)  and  contested  the  world- 
wide supremacy  of  Ur.  Larsam  was  the  seat  of  another 
kingdom,  the  first  king  of  which  was  Nur  Adad,  who 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Siniddinam.  The  latter 
called  himself  "  king  of  Shumer  and  Akkad,"  as  though 
he  would  again  bring  about  that  unity  which  had 
disappeared  with  the  downfall  of  Ur.  But  other 
movements  were  preparing  which,  apparently  threat- 
ening the  overthrow  of  Babylonian  civilization  and 
governments  as  a  whole,  were  to  bring  about  an 
ultimate  and  permanent  establishment  of  Babylonian 
unity.  Tlie_^l^jilites_jy3on^JlLfi__£aat^^  highlands, 
between  whom  and  the  communities  of  eastern  Baby- 
lofnawarliacl  been  Irgquent, -ftnd--udiQjiad  been  more 
than  once  partially  conquered,  reacted  under  the  pres- 
siire~aM-eatered  the  1nnr1,.J»ent-tipon  conquest.  The 
southern  cities  suffered  the  most  sevei:fihz;  from  this 


THE  ELAMITE  CONQUEST  67 

inroad,  as  they  lay  nearest  the  hne  of  advance  of  the 
invading  peoples.  At  first  the  Elamites  raided  the 
cities  and  carried  off  their  booty  to  their  own  land, 
but  later  were  able  to  establish  themselves  in  Babylo- 
nian territory.  How  early  these  incursions  began  is 
quite  uncertain.  In  the  fragments  of  Berosus,  a 
"  Median  "  dynasty  of  eight  kings  is  mentioned  the 
approximate  date  of  which  is  from  2450  B.  c.  to  2250 
B.  c.  This  statement  may  vaguely  suggest  the  pres- 
ence of  Elamites  in  Babylonia  during  two  centuries, 
and  the  culmination  of  their  inroads  in  the  possession 
of  supreme  authority  over  at  least  part  of  the  land. 
That  new  dynasties  appeared  in  Babylon  and  Larsam, 
succeeding  to  that  of  Ur  about  2400  B.  c,  may  have 
some  connection  with  these  inroads,  and  inscriptional 
evidence  makes  it  certain  that  Elamite  supremacy 
was  felt  in  Babylonia  by  2300  B.  c.  Native  djoias- 
ties  disappeared  before  the  onslaught.  One  of  these 
invading  bodies  was  led  by  King  Kudurnankhundi, 
whose  exploits  are  referred  to  by  the  Assyrian  king 
of  the  seventh  century,  Ashurbanipal.  The  Elamite 
had  carried  away  a  statue  of  the  goddess  Nana  from 
Uruk  1635  years  before,  that  is,  about  2290  B.  c. 
Ashurbanipal  restored  it  to  its  temple.  The  region 
in  which  Uruk  and  Larsam  were  situated  seems  to 
have  borne  the  brunt  of  the  assault.  The  former 
city  was  devastated  and  its  temples  sacked.  The 
latter  became  a  centre  of  Elamite  power.  A  prince 
whose  Semitic  name  is  read  Rim  Sin,  the  son  of  a  cer- 
tain Kudurmabuk,  ruler  of  lamutbal,  a  district  of 
west  Elam,  set  up  his  kingdom  at  Larsam,  apparently 
on  the  overthrow  of  Siniddinam,  and  for  at  least  a 
quarter  of  a  century  (about  2275  b.  c.)  made  himself 


68  OLD  BABYLONIA 

a  power  in  southern  Babylonia.  He  claimed  author- 
ity over  Ur,  Eridu,  Nippur,  Shirpurla,  and  Uruk,  con- 
quered Isin,  and  called  himself  •'  king  of  Shumer 
and  Akkad."  Evidently  the  Elamite  element  was 
well  on  the  way  toward  absorption  into  Babylonian 
life. 

64.  Wh^tt-the  Elamites  really  brought  to  pass  in 
Babylonia  was  a  ^eneraT^e^e^Sg^^^SfTSe^Various 
soiitheTn  city-states  which  had  contested^the  suprem- 
acy with  one  another.  Their  rulers  overthrown,  their 
^eople„en.daYed^heir  possessiqns_canied-away,  rude 
foreigners  dominating  them,  they  were  no  longer  in 
a  position  to  maintain  the  ancient  rivalry  with  one 
another, -or  to  contestjthe  supremacy  with  the  cities 
of  the  north.  When  the  foreigners  had  weakened 
themselves  by  amalgamation  with  the  conquered  and 
by  accepting  their  religion  and  culture,  the  way  was 
opened  for  a  purely  Babylonian  power,  hitherto  but 
slightly  affected  by  these  invasions,  to  drive  out  the 
enemy,  and  bring  the  whole  land  under  one  authority 
which  might  hope  for  permanence.  This  power  was 
the  city-state  of  Babylon. 

65.  It  is  tempting  to  seek  further  light  on  this 
Elamite  period  from  two  other  sources.  The  first 
of  these  is  the  native  religious  literature.  In  the  so- 
called  omen  tablets  and  the  hymns,  are  not  infrequent 
references  to  troubles  from  the  Elamites.  A  hymn, 
associated  with  Uruk  (RP,  2  ser.  I.  pp.  84  ff.), 
lamenting  a  misfortune  which  has  fallen  upon  the 
city,  is,  by  some  scholars,  connected  with  the  expedi- 
tion of  Kudurnankhundi  (sect.  63).  In  one  of  the 
episodes  of  the  Gilgamesh  epic  (sect.  28),  the  deliver- 
ance of  Uruk  from  a  foreign  enemy,  Khumbaba,  forms 


THE   WAR  OF  THE  KINGS  69 

the  background  of  the  scene.  It  may  embody  a  tradi- 
tion of  this  period,  and  preserve  the  name  of  another 
Elamite  invader.  But  the  allusions  are  all  too  indefi- 
nite to  serve  any  historical  purpose  other  than  as 
illustrations  of  the  reality  and  severity  of  invasions 
from  Elam.  The  Hebrew  religious  literature  has  also 
furnished  material  which  is  thought  to  bear  on  this 
epoch.  In  Genesis  xiv.  it  is  said,  "  It  came  to  pass  in 
the  days  of  Amraphel  king  of  Shinar,  Arioch  king  of 
Ellasar,  Chedorlaomer  king  of  Elam,  and  Tidal  king  of 
Goiim ;  that  they  made  war  with  Bera  king  of  Sodom, 
and  with  Birsha  king  of  Gomorrah,  Shinab  king  of 
Admah,  and  Shemeber  king  of  Zeboiim,  and  the  king 
of  Bela.  .  .  .  Twelve  years  they  served  Chedorlaomer, 
and  in  the  thirteenth  year  they  rebelled.  And  in  the 
fourteenth  year  came  Chedorlaomer,  and  the  kings  that 
were  with  him."  In  the  situation  here  depicted,  and 
the  names  of  the  kings  and  localities  mentioned,  have 
been  found  grounds  for  assigning  the  episode  to  the 
Elamite  period  of  Babylonian  history.  Arioch  of 
Ellasar  would  be  Rim  Sin  (in  another  reading  of  his 
name,  Eri-Aku)  of  Larsam;  Amraphel  of  Shinar  is 
identified  with  Khammurabi  of  Babylon;  Tidal  of 
Goiim,  with  Thargal  of  Gutium ;  while  Chedorlaomer 
is  a  good  Elamite  name  in  the  form  Kudurlagamar. 
On  this  hypothesis,  the  latter  would  be  the  overloixi 
of  the  Babylonian  kings  and  the  heir  to  the  Baby- 
lonian authority  over  Syria  and  Palestine  which 
had  been  maintained  by  Sargon  and  others  of  the 
earlier  time.  All  this  is  not  improbable,  and  adds 
interest  to  our  study  of  this  dark  period,  but  it  is  not 
sufficiently  substantiated,  either  by  the  connection  in 
which  it  stands,  or  by  the  evidence  of  contemporaneous 


70  OLD  BABYLONIA 


Babylonian  material,  to  warrant  the  acceptance  of  it  as 
actual  historical  fact.  It  is  true  that  names  similar  to 
these  have  also  been  found  in  Babylonian  tablets  of 
various  periods,  but  the  reading  of  the  texts  is  not  so 
certain,  or  their  relation  to  this  epoch  so  clear,  as  to 
offer  any  substantial  support  to  the  narrative. 


m 


CIVILIZATION   OF   OLD   BABYLONIA:   POLITICAL   AND 

SOCIAL  LIFE 

6Q,  While  the  materials  for  sketching  the  historical 
development  of  the  early  Babylonian  communities  are 
often  quite  inadequate,  fragmentary,  and  difficult  to 
organize,  those  which  illustrate  the  life  of  the  people 
are  not  only  more  numerous,  but  they  also  afford  a 
more  complete  picture.  To  present  a  history  of  the 
civilization  in  its  progress  is,  indeed,  equally  impos- 
sible, but,  as  a  compensation,  it  may  be  remembered 
that  oriental  life  in  antiquity  passed  through  few 
changes.  Kings  and  empires  might  flourish  and 
disappear,  but  manners,  customs,  and  occupations 
continued  from  century  to  century  much  as  they  had 
been  in  the  beginning.  Therefore  it  is  possible  to 
gather  up  in  a  single  view  the  various  aspects  of  the 
civilization  of  this  people  which,  in  its  political 
career  of  more  than  two  thousand  years,  was  subject 
to  the  vicissitudes  which  the  preceding  chapters  have 
described. 

67.  The  earliest  occupations  of  the  inhabitants 
were  "^^liculturaL-  Great  flocks  of  sheep  and  herds 
of  cattle  and  goats,  enumerated,  in  the  lists  of  temple 
property^indieate^  that  pastoral  activities  were  not 
neglected.  Herdsmen  and  shepherds  formed  a  nu- 
merous class,  recruited  from  the  Bedouin  constantly 
floating   in    from    the    desert.     The   chief    grazing- 


72  OLD  BABYLONIA 

grounds  were  to  the  west  of  the  Euphrates.  Here 
were  gathered  together  herds  belonging  to  different 
owners  under  the  care  of  independent  herdsmen  who 
were^paid  to ,  wateh  -and  protect  tHeir  charges.  But 
the  raising  of  grain  and  fruits  was  by  far  more 
common,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  nature  of  the 
country.  The  yield. from-the  fertile  soil  was  often 
two  hundred-fold,  sometimes  more.  All  Babylonian 
life  was  affected  by  this  predominating  activity. 
Thj_j3£e(i--o|-4^pigatr6n  of  the  fields  fostered  an  im- 
mense develo£ment  of  th_e_canal  systein.  At  first, 
the  lands  nearest  the  rivers  were  watered  by  the 
primitive  devices  even  now  employed  on  their  banks. 
It  was  a  genial  thought  ofJKmg^Urakagina  to  con- 

.^«truct  ar  ^arrai;  and  wisely  did  he  name  it  after  the 
goddess  Nina  (Records  of  the  Past,  2  ser.  I.  p.  72),  for 
the  work  was  worthy  of  divine  approval.  Soon  the 
canal  became  the  characteristic  feature  of  the  Baby- 
lonian landscape  and  the  chief  condition  of  agricul- 
tural prosperity.  Land  was  named  according  to  that 
which  it  produced,  and  some  scholars  hold  that  it 
was  measured  according  to  the  amount  of  seed  which 
could  be  sown  upon  it.  At  least  three  of  the  months 
had  names  connected  with  agriculture.  The  fruits  of 
the  fields  were  the  chief  gifts  to  the  temples,  and  the 
^king^exactedhis^  taxes- in  grain  which  was  stored  in 

_j:oyal^^ranaries It  seems  that  the  agricultural  year 

began  in  September  (the  month  tashritu,  "  begin- 
ning ").  Then  the  farmer,  usually  a  tenant  of  a  rich 
noble,  mad^e^Ms-eentract.  Th^^^ient- was.  ordinarily 
one-third  of  the  farm's  production,  although  some- 
times tenant  and  landlord  divided  equally.  Great 
care  was  taken  that  the  tenant  should  keep  everything 


BABYLONIAN  INDUSTRIES  73 

in  good  order.  Oxen  were  used  for  farm- work,  and  nu- 
merous agricultural  implements  were  employed.  Sow- 
ing and  reaping,  ploughing  and  threshing,  irrigating 
and  cultivating,  —  these  constituted  the  chief  events 
in  the  lives  of  the  great  mass  of  the  Babylonian 
people,  and  made  their  land  one  of  the  richest  and 
most  prosperous  regions  in  all  the  world. 

68.  The  pursuits  of  industry  appear  from  the  be- 
ginning to  have  engaged  the  activities  of  the  Baby- 
lonians. Differentiation  of  labor  has  already  taken 
place,  and  the  names  of  the  workers  illustrate  the 
variety  of  the  occupations.  The  inscriptions  men- 
tion the  carpenter,  the  smith,  the  metal-worker, 
the  weaver,  the  leather-worker,  the  dyer,  the  potter, 
the  brick-maker,  the  vintner,  and  the  surveyor.  The 
_abuiidance  of  avooI  led  very  early  to  the  manufacture ' 
of  woollen jcloths^ and  rugs,  in  which  the  BabyloiiTans 
surpassed  all  others.  The  city  of  Mar  (sect.  48)  was 
famous  for  a^id^  of  cloth,  called  after  it  Mairatu. 
Goldj_silver5_capper,  and  bronze  were  worked  up  into 
articles  ^f  Qrnament~an^  utility.  The  making  of 
bricks  was  a  most  important  industry  in  a  country 
where^  stojie__  w^<S-..pra-ctically  unobtainable.  The 
month  simanu  (May-June)~wa8  thig"  "  month  of 
bricks,"  during  which  the  conditions  for  their  manu- 
facture were  most  favorable  ;  inundations  had 
brought  down  the  sifted  alluvium  which  lay  con- 
veniently at  hand ;  the  sun  shone  mildly  enough  to 
bake  the  clay  slowly  and  evenly ;  the  reeds,  used  as  a 
platform  on  which  to  lay  the  bricks  for  drying,  or 
cht)pped  finely  and  mixed  with  the  clay,  were  fresh  and 
abundant.  Innumerable  quantities  were  used  yearly. 
Sun-dried   bricks  were   poor   building  material,  and 


74  OLD  BABYLONIA 

houses  needed  constant  repairing  or  rebuilding  after 
the  heavy  rains  of  the  winter.  The  bricks  baked^  in 
the  kiln,  of  much  more  durable  character,  were  used 
for  the  outer  lining  of  temples  and  palaces. 

69.    T^P    pnsit.inn    pf    B^byl'^T^iP  g^ye    ij:j;^nrmnp.rpia.1 

importance,  the  evidences  of  which  go  back  to  the 
earliest" times.  Its  centrat'ahdr^^cessible  position, 
its  wealth  in  natural  products  of  an  indispensable 
kind,  its  early  industrial  activity,  all  contributed  to 
this  end.  Its  lack  of  some  materials  of  an  equally 
indispensable  character  was  an  additional  motive  for 
exchange.  Over  the  Persian  gulf  teak-wood  found 
at  Eridu  was  brought  from  India.  Cotton  also 
made  its.s^py  fT-mn  thft  s^ing-gpT'T^^^p^'^  ^hp  southern 
cities.  Over  Arabia,  by  way  of  Ur,  which  stood  at 
the^foot  of  a  natural  opening  from  the  desert,  and 
owed  its  early  fame  and  power,  it  may  be,  in  no 
small  degree,  to  its  consequent  commercial  impor- 
tance, were  led  the  caravans  laden  with  stone,  spices, 
copper,  and  gold  from  Sinai,  Yemen,  and  Egypt. 
Door-sockets  of  Sinaitic  stone  found  at  Nippur  attest 
this  traffic.  ToJihe-^TOrth-led-the  natuml  highways 
afforded  by  tlie  rivers,  and  from  thence,  at  the  dawn 
of  history,  the  city-kings  brought  cedar-wood  from 
the  Syrian  mountains  for  the  adornment  of  palaces 
and  temples.  From^-Jhfi-JEast,  down  the  pass  of 
Holwan,  came  the  marble  and  precious  metal  of  the 
mountains.  Much  of  this  raw  material  was  worked 
over  by  Babylonian  artisans,  and  shipped  back  to  the 
less  favored  lands,  along  with  the  grain,  dates,  and 
fish,  the  rugs  and  cloths,  of  native  production.  All 
this  traffic  was  in  the  hands  of  Babylonian  traders 
who  fearlessly  ventured  into  the  borders  of  distant 


SOCIAL  CLASSES  75 

countries,  and  must  have  carried  with  them  thither 
the  knowledge  of  the  civilization  and  wealth  of  their 
own  home,  for  only  thus  can  the  wide-spread  in- 
fluence of  Babylonian  culture  in  the  earliest  periods 
be  explained. 

70.  Babylonian  society  was  well  differentiated.  At 
the  basis  of  it  lay  .the_slj>ygj)opulation,  the  necessary 
condition  of  all  economic  activity  in  antiquity.  Slaves 
were  employed  upon  the  farms,  by  the  manufacturers 
and  in  the  temples.  The  sources  of  the  supply  were 
various.  War  furnished  many;  others  had  fallen 
from  the  position  of  free  laborers ;  still  others  were 
purchased  from  abroad,  or  were  children  of  native 
bondsmen.  Rich  private  owners  or  temple  corpora- 
tions made  a  business  of  hiring  them  out  as  laborers. 
They  were  humanely  treated ;  the  law  protected  them 
from  injury;  they  could  earn  money,  hold  property, 
and  thus  purchase  their  freedom.  Laws  exist  which 
suggest  that  young  children  could  not  be  separated 
from  their  slave-parents  in  case  of  the  sale  of  the 
latter.  Next  in  tbescale  stood  the  free  laborer  who 
hired  hiilrsetf'outlorwork  like  that  of  the~siave,  and 
was  his  natural  competitor.  How  he  could  continue 
to  secure  higher  wages  —  as  seems  to  be  the  case  — 
is  a  problem  which  Peiser  thinks  explicable  from  the 
fact  that  his  employer  was  not  liable  for  damages  in 
case  of  an  injury,  nor  forced  to  care  for  him  if  he 
were  sick.  In  both  of  these  situations  the  law  secured 
the  reimbursement  and  protection  of  the  slave  (Mitt- 
eilungen  der  Vorderasiatischen  Gesellschaft,  1896, 
3),  who  could  therefore  safely  work  for  less  money. 
There  are  some  references  to  wages  in  the  contracts  of 
the  time  which  indicate  that  the  free  laborer  received 


76  OLD  BABYLOXIA 

from  four  to  six  shekels  (13.00  to  14.50)  a  year,  and 
food.  He  made  a  written  conti-act  with  his  employer, 
in  which  were  specified  the  rate  and  the  length  of  time 
of  employment.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  such 
laborers  must  have  been  few  in  comparison  with 
slaves,  and  have  steadily  declined  toward  the  lower 
position.  The_lenaat4afmer  mu^-- httre"  been  an 
important  constituent  of  the  social  body,  although 
he  does  not  play  a  very  prominent  part.  He  rented 
the  farm,  hired  the  laborers,  and  superintended  the 
agricultural  operations.  Great  proprietors  seem  to 
have  preferred  the  method  of  cultivating  their  estates 
by  tenant-farmers,  as  many  contracts  of  this  kind 
attest.  Of  the  rent  paid  in  kind  mention  has  been 
made.  The  free  peasant  proprietor  had  by  this  time 
well-nigh  disappeared  before  the  rich  and  aristocratic 
landowner,  and  the  tenant-farmer  had  taken  his 
place.  In_the_xitie&-ixadesmen_  and  artisans  were 
found  in  greaL^numbers^^nd -held- in,  high  esteem. 
Whether  at  this  time  they  had  been  formed  into 
guilds  according  to  their  several  trades,  as  was  the 
case  later,  is  uncertain.  Merchants  had  their  business 
organizedj  firms  carried  on  their  mercantile  operations 
from  generation  to  generation,  records  of  which  have 
been  preserved ;  and  this  class  of  citizens  must  have 
been  increasingly  influential.  At  the  summit  of  the 
social  system  wasjthe  aristocracy,  headed  by  the  king. 
The  nobles  lived  on~theii-^esta^s^and"ari;he  court  of 
the.  king,-alteriiaMyv^-:Tire'  scanty  evidence  suggests 
that  they  held  their  estates  from  the  king  by  a  kind  ^  of 
feudal  tenure.  They  owed  military  service  and  trib- 
ute. They  had  numerous  dependants  and  slaves  who 
labored  for  them  and  in  turn  enjoyed  their  protection. 


PROPERTY  AND  ITS  USES  77 

71.  The  right  of  holding  private  property  in  land 
was  already  in  force  in  Babylonia.  It  may  be  that 
pasture-land  was  still  held  in  common,  and  the  cus- 
tom of  deeding  property  to  a  son  or  adopted  slave,  on 
condition  of  the  parent  receiving  his  support  during 
his  lifetime  from  the  property,  is  a  relic  of  the  transi- 
tion from  family  to  individual  ownership.  The  king, 
theoretic  owner  by  divine  right  of  all  the  land,  had 
long  ago  distributed  it  among  his  vassals,  either  in 
fee  or  perpetual  possession.  Careful  surveys  were 
made,  and  inscribed  stones,  set  up  on  the  limits  of  a 
property,  indicated  the  possessor  and  invoked  the 
curse  of  the  gods  on  any  who  should  interfere  with 
property  rights.  Ground  could  be  leased  or  handed 
down  by  will.  In  a  community  where  trade  was  so 
important,  wealth  other  than  in  land  was  common. 
Grain  and  manufactured  goods,  stored  in  warehouses 
in  the  cities,  and  precious  metals  formed  no  small 
part  of  the  resources  of  the  citizens.  There  still 
survived,  in  some  transactions,  payment  in  kind, 
grain  or  cattle ;  but  in  general  the  use  of  metals  for 
exchange  was  in  vogue.  Naturally  they  became 
standards  of  value.  They  were  weighed  out  and 
fashioned  in  bars.  The  shekel,  weighing  somewhat 
more  than  half  an  ounce  avoirdupois,  the  mina  of 
sixty  shekels,  and  the  talent  of  sixty  minas  were  the 
standard  weights,  though  there  were  other  systems  in 
use.  Money  was  loaned,  at  first  on  condition  of  the 
borrower  performing  a  certain  amount  of  labor  for  it, 
later  on  an  agreement  to  pay  interest,  usually  at  a 
very  high  rate. 

72.  On  the  whole,  Babylonian  life  from  the  mate- 
rial point  of  view  must  have  been  active  and  agreeable. 


78  OLD  BABYLONIA 

Cities  were  protected  by  high  and  thick  walls  to 
guard  against  enemies.  Some  sort  of-local  organ- 
ization exisied  for  town  government.  Houses  were 
sim£l^^iTdn^w7i[ratlt--:sKith^^  and  flat 

roofs  of  reeds  and  mud.  The  streets  were  narrow  and 
dirty^  -ttie^T^eptacIes  of  all  the  sweepings  of  the 
houses.  When  the  street  filled  up  to  the  level  of  the 
house  doors,  tEese  were  closed,  the  house  built  up 
another  st^ry^JheJoDJL-xai&e^^  and  a 

new  doorjroyided.  Many  houses  were  manufac- 
tories' and  shops  at  the  same  time,  the  merchant 
having  his  slaves  or  laborers  do  their  work  on  the 
premises.  On  higher  points  stood  the  palaces  of 
nobles  and  king,  or  the  stately  temples  of  the  patron 
gods.  In  the  country,  the  houses  of  the  proprietors 
were  surrounded  by  palm-trees  and  gardens.  The 
furniture  was  very  simple,  —  chair  and  stool  to  sit  on 
by  day,  and  a  mat  on  which  to  sleep  at  night,  flint 
and  metal  knives  and  a  few  terra-cotta  bowls  and  jars 
for  cooking  and  eating  purposes,  the  oven  for  baking, 
and  the  fire-stick  for  kindling  the  fire.  For  food,  the 
Babylonian  had  his  inevitable  grain  and  dried  fish ; 
the  grain  he  ground  and  ate  in  round  cakes  seasoned 
with  dates  or  other  fruit ;  his  drink  was  wine  and  beer. 
To  wear  much  clothing  in  such  a  land  was  a  super- 
fluity. Rulers  are  depicted  with  quilted  skirts  reach- 
ing to  the  ankles,  with  no  upper  garment  or  head- 
gear. Others  wear  thick  flat  quilted  caps.  Naram 
Sin  of  Agade  appears  in  a  pointed  hat  with  tunic 
thrown  over  his  left  shoulder  and  breast.  Less 
important  personages  have  hardly  more  than  the  loin- 
cloth. As  for  hair  and  beard,  men  of  the  earliest 
period  seem  to  have  been  smoothly  shaven,  unless  one 


l^liE  FAMILY  7d 

is  to  suppose  that  the  artist  felt  himself  unequal  to 
representing  hair.  Later,  by  the  time  of  Sargon,  the 
heard  and  hair  are  worn  long,  and  the  custom 
continued  to  be  followed. 

73.  An  important  element  of  early  Babylonian 
society  was  the  family.  It  had  its  laws  and  its 
religion.  While  private  property  was  recognized,  yet 
often  the  consent  of  the  family  was  required  for  the 
sale  of  land  belonging  to  one  of  its  circle.  The  father 
was  already  the  recognized  head.  Some  traces  of  a 
primitive  right  of  the  mother  exist,  but  they  are  sur- 
vivals of  what  is  quite  antiquated.  Ancient  laws, 
preserved  in  late  copies,  illustrate  family  relations 
which  long  prevailed ; 

If  a  son  say  to  his  father,  "  Thou  art  not  my  father," 
he  can  cut  off  (his  locks),  make  him  a  slave,  and  sell  him 
for  money.  If  a  son  say  to  his  mother,  "  Thou  art  not 
my  mother,"  she  can  cut  ofP  his  locks,  turn  him  out  of 
town,  or  (at  least)  drive  him  away  from  home  (i.  e.,  she 
can  have  him  deprived  of  citizenship  and  of  inheritance, 
.  but  his  liberty  he  loses  not).  If  a  father  say  to  his  son, 
**  Thou  art  not  my  son,"  the  latter  has  to  leave  house  and 
field  (i.  e.,  he  loses  everything).  If  a  mother  say  to 
her  son,  "  Thou  art  not  my  son,"  he  shall  leave  house 
and  furniture  (ABL,  p.  445). 

Giving  in  marriage  was  an  affair  of  the  father,  and 
was  entirely  on  a  mercantile  basis.  The  prospective 
bridegroom  paid  a  stipulated  sum  for  his  bride,  vary- 
ing according  to  his  wealth,  sometimes  a  shekel,  some- 
times a  mina.  Some  religious  ceremonies  accompanied 
the  marriage  celebration.  The  wife  usually  brought 
a  dowry  to  her  husband.  Polygamy  and  concubinage 
were  not  uncommon.     The  wife  was  completely  under 


80  OLD  BABYLONIA 

her  husband's  control.  In  certain  circumstances  she 
could  be  sold  as  a  slave,  or  put  to  death.  Divorce 
was  very  easy,  since  the  husband  had  merely  to  bid 
the  wife  depart,  giving  her  a  writ  of  divorcement. 
The  only  restraint,  and  that  probably  a  strong  one,  in 
the  case  of  a  Babylonian,  was  that  he  was  generally 
required  to  restore  to  the  wife  the  value  of  her  dowry. 
Sometimes  by  contract  the  wife  had  the  control  of  her 
property,  and  was  thereby  in  a  much  better  position. 
To  have  children  was  the  supreme  end  of  marriage, 
and  sterility  was  a  serious  misfortune.  In  that  case 
adoption  was  a  not  uncommon  recourse,  accomplished 
by  carefully  drawn  up  legal  forms.  Children  thus 
adopted  had  full  rights.  Adoption  also  was  evidently 
an  easy  way  of  obtaining  additional  hands  for  service 
at  home  and  in  the  fields,  being  really  another  form 
of  hiring  servants;  hence  often  an  adult  was  thus 
taken  into  a  family. 

74.  The  position  occupied  by  the  family  in  the 
social  sphere  was  taken  by  the  state  in  the  domain  of 
political  life.  It  is  held  that  the  state  was  formed 
out  of  the  union  of  families,  indeed  was  a  greater 
family  with  the  king  as  father  at  its  head  (Peiser, 
MVAG,  1896,  3).  In  its  first  recognizable  form,  how- 
ever, the  state  was  a  city  gathered  about  a  temple, 
the  centre  of  worship.  As  has  already  been  noted 
(sect.  48),  each  of  the  city-states  of  Babylonia  had  its 
god  with  whom  its  interests  were  identified.  Religion, 
therefore,  was  fundamental  in  Babylonian  politics,  the 
bond  of  civic  unity,  the  ground  of  political  rights, 
authority,  and  progress.  With  it,  no  doubt,  was  also 
closely  associated  the  economic  element.  The  depen- 
dence of  prosperity,  and  even  of  life  itself,  upon  the 


THE  KING  81 

proper  regulation  of  the  water  supply  encouraged 
settlement  in  the  most  favorable  localities,  and  required 
-organization  of  the  activities  centred  there.  Only  by 
co-operation  under  a  central  authority  could  the  canals 
be  kept  open,  due  regard  be  paid  to  the  claims  of  all 
upon  the  common  supply,  and  dangers  from  flood  or 
famine  be  grappled  with  energetically  and  in  time  to 
safeguard  the  common  interests.  Self-protection  from 
enemies  contributed  to  the  same  end.  The  nomads 
from  the  desert  and  the  mountain  tribes  of  the  east 
were  equally  eager  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  the  fertile 
Babylonian  fields ;  their  inhabitants  must  needs  com- 
bine to  ward  off  inroads  from  all  sides.  All  these 
elements  entered  into  and  modified  the  character  and 
course  of  Babylonian  politics,  and  they  gave  a  particu- 
lar firmness  and  prominence  to  the  idea  of  the  state 
into  which,  from  the  earliest  period,  all  family,  clan, 
and  tribal  interests  had  been  completely  merged,  ^r""": 
75.  These_Babylonian_city-stR,tp.s  have  kings  at  their 
head^  The  earliest  name  given  to  the  ruler  is  patesi, 
a  term  which  is  most  satisfactorily  explained  as  having 
a  religious  significance,  and  as  testifying  to  the  funda- 
mental position  and  prerogative  of  the  ruler  as  a 
priest  of  the  city  god.  It  suggests  that,  in  the  primi- 
tive Babylonian  community,  the  place  of  supreme 
importance  and  influence  was  occupied  by  the  priest 
as  the  representative  of  deity,  as  the  mediator  between 
the  clans  and  the  gods  on  whom  they  depended.  The 
attitude  and  activity  of  the  early  kings  confirm  this 
suggestion.  TKgy^-aje,  first  of  all,  pious  worshippers 
of  the  gods.  T-hey^buird~temp}e&  and  adorn  them 
wiJJi—the-^Keaith^of  their~teigdonisr'  They  bestow 
upon  the  gods  therichesTfiftSj-  The  favor  of  deity  is 

6 


8^  OLD  BABYLONIA 

their  supremest  desire.     Piety  is  their  highest  virtue. 
The  duties  of  religion  are  an  indispensable  and  inter- 
minable element  of  their  life.     Before  the  gods  they 
come,  as  dependants  and  slaves,  to  make  their  offer- 
ings.    They  are  girded  about  with  burdensome  ritual 
restrictions,  the  violation  of  which  would  entail  dis- 
aster upon  themselves  and  their  people,  and  to  which, 
therefore,   they  conform  with  constant  alacrity  and 
even  with  zeal.     On  the  other  hand,  they  claim  before 
their  subjects  regard  and  reverence  due  to  these  inti- 
mate divine  relations.     Their  inscriptions  declare  that 
they  are  nourished  on  the  milk  of  the  gods,  or  are 
their  offspring,  sons  begotten  of  them ;  that  power  and 
sovereignty  are  by  right  of  divine  descent  or  appoint- 
ment.    It  is  not  wonderful  that,  while  these  rulers 
placed  their  statues  in  the  temples  to  be  constantly 
before  the  eye  of  deity,  their  subjects  should  offer 
them  divine  homage.     Indeed,  from  the  time  of  Sargon 
of  Agade,  kings  claim  to  be  gods  and  do  not  hesitate 
to  prefix  the  sign  of  divinity  to  their  names  (Radau, 
Early  Babylonian  History,  pp.  307  ff.).     All  these 
prerogatives,  however,  do  not  free  them  from  respon- 
sibility  to   their   subjects,   but   rather   intensify   the 
expectations    centred    in   them.      They   must_obtain 
divine  blessiag^for  the  state;   they  must  themselves 
battle  in  defence  ofth^ir-^Sapier^  Thus  the  Baby- 
lomaiT  king^ls^  wan^ior,  going   out  to  protect  his 
dominions   against  wild  beasts  or  hostile  men.     To 
kill  the  lion  or  the  wild  ox  is  an  indispensable  part 
of   his  duties,  and  he  goes  forth  in  the  strength  of 
the  gods  for  these  heroic  struggles.     He  is  as  proud 
of    the    trophies    of    the   chase    as    of    those   of   the 
battlefield,  and  both  alike  he  dedicates  to  the  divine 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT  83 

powers  by  whose  aid  he  has  conquered.  He  repre- 
sents, also,  the  more  peaceful  interests  of  the  state 
jas^  the  patron  of  industry ;  he  appears  like  king  Ur 
Nina,  with  the  basket  of  the  mason  on  his  head,  or 
rehearses  his  services  in  opening  new  canals,  building 
granaries,  and  importing  foreign  trees  to  beautify  and 
enrich  the  land,  thus  establishing  his  claim  to  be  the 
father  and  shepherd  of  his  people. 

76.  The  constitution  of  a  state  ruled  by  a  king  with 
such  prerogatives  and  position  is  naturally  summed 
up  in  the  ruler.  The  citizen,  while  he  expects 
protection  and  justice,  is  a  subject ;  the  officials  are 
the  king's  dependants ;  his  will  is  law ;  and  the 
strength  of  the  state  depends  upon  the  p^iionaitty 
oritsTieadr~"Tet  it  is  also  true  that,  where  industry 
and  commerce  were  so  early  and  so  highly  developed 
as  in  Babylonia,  the  arbitrariness  of  the  ruler  was 
modified  by  the  necessity  of  a  well-ordered  and  strictly 
administered  body  of  constitutional  principles.  Trade 
was  dependent  on  the  admission  and  protection 
of  foreigners  while  in  the  country,  and  they  seem 
to  have  had  no  difficulty  in  securing  citizenship,  and 
even  in  obtaining  official  positions.  The  revenues 
were  secured  by  various  systems  of  taxation.  Surveys 
of  state  property  were  made,  on  the  basis  of  which 
land  taxes  were  levied.  The  temples  took  their 
tithe.  Customs  duties  were  paid  at  the  city  gate. 
In  time  of  war,  the  king  rode  in  his  chariot  at  the 
head  of  liis  troops,  as  illustrated  in  the  stele  of  the 
Vultures,  where  Edingiranagin  (sects.  56,  85)  holds 
in  his  hand  the  curved  weapon  for  throwing,  and  his 
warriors  are  armed  with  spears.  At  the  close  of  the 
battle  he  beats  out  the  brains  of  captives  with  his 


84  OLD  BxVBYLONIA 

club  in  honor  of  the  gods.  The  city  of  the  same  king 
seems  to  have  possessed  a  coat  of  arms,  "  the  lion- 
headed  eagle  with  outspread  wings,"  its  claws  in  the 
backs  of  two  lions,  significant  of  the  corporate  con- 
sciousness of  the  state  even  at  this  early  day. 

77.  But  what  shows  most  clearly  the  idea  of  politi- 
cal organization  as  established  in  Babylonia  is  the 
legal  system.  Fragments  of  law  codes  are  still  in 
existence  governing  the  relations  of  the  family 
(sect.  73),  and,  from  the  abundance  of  legal  docu- 
ments containing  decisions,  agreements,  penalties, 
etc.,  might  be  drawn  up  a  body  of  law  which  bore 
on  such  various  topics  as  adoption,  exchange,  marriage, 
divorce,  stealing,  adultery,  and  other  crimes,  renting 
and  sale  of  property,  inheritance,  loans,  partnership, 
slavery,  and  interest.  No  business  arrangement  seems 
to  have  been  complete  without  a  written  contract, 
signed  by  the  parties  concerned  in  the  presence  of 
witnesses,  who  also  affixed  their  signatures  to  the 
document.  Should  a  difficulty  or  question  in  dispute 
arise,  the  contestants  had  several  methods  of  pro- 
cedure. They  could  choose  an  arbitrator  by  whose 
decision  they  agreed  to  abide ;  or,  sometimes,  the 
complainant  appealed  to  the  king,  who  with  his  elders 
heard  the  complaint  and  rendered  judgment.  Some- 
times a  court  of  judges  was  established,  before  which 
cases  were  brought  Whatever  was  the  process,  the 
decision,  when  rendered,  was  written  down  in  all 
the  fulness  and  formality  of  legal  phraseology,  duly 
signed  and  sealed  with  the  finger-nail  or  the  private 
or  official  seal  of  all  the  parties.  That  tlie  king  him- 
self was  not  above  the  law,  at  least  in  the  ideal 
conception    of    political    philosophers   of    the    time, 


THE  LEGAL  ELEMENT  85 

may  be  concluded  from  an  ancient  bit  of  political 
wisdom  preserved  in  a  copy  in  the  library  of  Ashur- 
banipal  of  Assyria  which  begins :  "  If  the  king  gives 
not  judgment  according  to  the  law,  the  people  perish 
...  if  he  gives  not  judgment  according  to  the  law  of 
the  land,  (the  god)  Ea  .  .  .  gives  his  place  to  another, 
—  if  he  gives  not  judgment  according  to  the  statutes, 
his  country  suffers  invasion."  Very  suggestive  is 
another  line  of  the  same  document.  "  If  he  gives  not 
judgment  according  to  (the  desire  of)  his  nobles,  his 
days  are  long"  (IV.  Rawlinson,  55^,  Thus  gods  and 
the  king  alike  are  regarded  as  pledged  to  the  main- 
tenance of  justice.  The  parties  to  a  contract  swear  by 
the  god,  the  king,  and  the  city  that  they  will  keep  their 
agreements.  The  abundance  of  this  legal  material  has 
led  some  scholars  to  the  conclusion  voiced  by  Profes- 
sor Maspero,  who  declares  that  these  records  "  reveal 
to  Us  a  people  greedy  of  gain,  exacting,  litigious, 
and  almost  exclusively  absorbed  by  material  concerns  " 
(Dawn  of  Civilization,  p.  760).  While  there  may  be 
truth  in  this  verdict,  no  one  can  deny  that  the  spec- 
tacle of  a  people,  in  these  early  times,  carrying  on 
their  affairs  through  agreements  sanctioned  by  the 
state,  and  settling  their  quarrels  by  process  of  legal 
procedure  is  one  which  arouses  surprise,  if  not  ad- 
miration, and  indicates  a  conception  of  civic  order 
full  of  the  promise  of  progress. 


IV 


CIVILIZATION   OF    OLD  BABYLONIA:    LITERATURE, 
SCIENCE,   ART,  AND   RELIGION 

78.  A  PEOPLE  as  far  advanced  in  social  and  politi- 
cal organization  as  were  the  ancient  Babylonians 
could  not  have  failed  to  make  similar  progress  in  the 
Higher  elements  of  civilization.  They  were,  indeed, 
pre-eminently  a  practical  folk,  and  were  guided  in  all 
their  activities  by  the  material  ends  to  be  gained. 
Their  literary  remains  will  serve  as  ah  IHustratiolTiri 
point.  Writing,  in  use  among  them  from  the  earliest 
times,  was  primarily  employed  for  business  purposes,  in 
contracts  and  other  legal  documents.  Likewise  the 
very  practical  conjuration  formulae  were  the  most 
numerous  of  the  religious  texts.  The  art  of  writing 
was  confined  in  great  measure  to  priestly  circles,  to 
scribes  taught  in  the  priestly  schools  and  associated 
with  the  temples.  Documents  of  all  kinds  were 
written  to  order  by  these  scribes,  and  the  signature 
affixed  by  pressing  the  thumb-nail  or  a  seal  into  the 
clay.  The  difficulty  of  acquiring  the  complicated 
cuneiform  script  cut  off  the  majority  of  the  people 
from  ever  using  it.  For  teaching  it,  a  number  of 
text-books  were  employed  which  were  copied  by  the 
students.  Some  of  the  most  valuable  inscriptional 
material,  like  the  kings'  lists,  have  come  down  to  us 
in  these  students'  copies.  In  Sippar,  an  inscription 
on  a  small  round  tablet  has  been  found,  the  con- 


WRITING  AND  LITERATURE  87 

tents  of  which  suggest  that  it  may  have  been  an 
ancient  diploma  or  medal  of  that  famous  priestly 
school.  It  reads,  "  Whosoever  has  distinguished  him- 
self at  the  place  of  tablet-writing  shall  shine  as  the 
light "  (Hilprecht,  Recent  Research,  etc.,  p.  86).  The 
scribes  were,  indeed,  not  only  an  honorable,  but  even 
an  indispensable  element  of  Babylonian  society ;  upon 
them  depended  social  and  political  progress.  The 
large  number  of  letters  now  in  our  museums  from 
officials  and  private  persons,  both  men  and  women, 
shows  that  communication  by  means  of  writing  was 
widespread,  but  all  letters  were  probably  put  into 
writing  by  scribes,  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  that 
scribes  were  employed  to  read  them  to  their  recipients. 
One  cannot  safely  argue  from  these  letters  or  from  the 
business  documents  that  ability  to  read  and  write  be- 
longed to  the  people  at  large. 

79.  Old  Babylonia  was,  from  the  earliest  historical 
period,  not  merely  in  possession  of  a  highly  conven- 
tionalized form  of  writing,  but  already  had  also 
begun  to  produce  a  literature  which  embraced  no 
narrow  range  of  subjects.  The  chief  element  in  it 
was  religious,  consisting  of  hymns,  psalms,  myths, 
ritual  prescripts,  and  votive  inscriptions.  Even 
where  religion  is  not  directly  the  subject,  the  docu- 
ments show  its  influence.  Thus  the  astronomical 
and  astrological  texts  are  from  priestly  circles,  and 
the  epic  and  descriptive  jjoetry  deals  with  the  gods 
and  heroes  of  m3'thology.  Reference  has  already 
been  made  to  the  legal  codes  and  to  fragments  of 
political  wisdom,  while  our  knowledge  of  the  history 
of  the  age  comes  from  the  various  royal  inscriptions 
written  ou  palace  walls,  cylinders^  steles,  and  statues. 


88  OLD  BABYLONIA 

The  origin  of  this  literary  activity  lies  back  of  the 
beginning  of  history.  Before  the  age  of  Sargon, 
once  thought  primitive,  extends  a  long  period  from 
which  important  royal  texts  have  been  preserved. 
Sargon,  indeed,  is  thought  to  have  focussed  the 
literary  activity  of  his  time  in  a  series  of  religious. 
works  prepared  for  his  royal  library  in  Agade,  and 
no  doubt  every  ruler  who  obtained  wider  dominion 
than  that  over  a  single  city-state  took  occasion  to 
foster  science  and  literature.  Even  Gudea  of  Shir- 
purla,  whose  political  position  is  uncertain,  had  long 
narratives  of  his  pious  acts  carved  on  his  statues  for 
the  enlightenment  and  praise  of  posterity.  Chief 
among  these  patrons  of  learning  was  the  founder  of 
Babylonian  unity,  Khammurabi,  under  whom  the  pre- 
vious achievements  of  scholars,  theologians,  and  poets 
were  gathered  together  and  edited  into  literary  works 
of  prime  importance.  In  his  time  or  shortly  after, 
the  cosmogonic  narratives,  the  rituals,  the  epics,  the 
laws,  and  the  astronomical  works  were  put  into  the 
form  in  which  thej  are  now  preserved. 

80.  The  characteristics  of  all  Babylonio- Assyrian 
literature,  as  already  enumerated  (sect.  34),  were 
stamped  upon  it  in  this  early  period.  The  material 
in  stone  and  clay,  upon  which  alone'  from  the  first 
men  wrote,  compelled  simplicity  of  utterance.  Re- 
ligion, the  first  subject  for  literary  effort,  determined 
the  style  and  dominated  the  content  of  subsequent 
literature.  Religion  is  responsible  for  the  stereo- 
typed phraseology  and  the  repetitiousness  approaching 
monotony,  the  expressions  having  become  fixed  at 
an  early  period  and  employed  in  sacred  ceremonials 
at  a   time  when  literature   was  looked  upon  as  a 


LITERATURE  HIGHLY  DEVELOPED  80 

gift  of  the  gods  and  set  apart  for  their  service. 
Thus  what  at  the  beginning  was  a  desirable  repetition 
of  holy  words  became  at  last  the  accepted  form  for 
all  literary  utterance.  Poetryi^eyidently  was  the 
earliest  and  most  favored  medium  of  literature,  for  it 
reached  a  comparatively  high  stage  of  development. 
The  lyric  appears  in  hymns,  prayers,  and  psalms  for 
use  in  the  liturgical  worship.  Narrative  poetry  is 
represented  in  a  variety  of  fragments  which  describe 
the  adventures  of  early  heroes  who  have  dealings 
with  gods  and  monsters  of  the  primeval  world.  Even 
the  culminating  achievement  of  an  epic  has  been 
reached  in  the  story  of  Gilgamesh,  preserved  in 
twelve  books,  a  Babylonian  Odyssey.  This  poetry 
is  not  naive  in  character;  already  epithets  have 
become  conventional;  rhythm  pervades  it,  rising 
into  parallelism,  the  balancing  of  expressions  in 
corresponding  lines,  phrases,  or  sentences,  which  ex- 
press now  antithetic  ideas,  now  the  same  idea  in 
different  forms.  Even  metre  and  strophical  arrange- 
ment are  regarded  by  some  scholars  as  discoverable 
in  the  hymns  and  epic  fragments.  How  far  back  in 
the  unknown  past  must  be  placed  the  beginnings  of 
this  literary  activity  which  has  attained  such  develop- 
ment in  this  early  age  of  Babylonia  ! 

81.  The  authors  of  these  writings  are  unknown. 
A  few  names  have  come  down  in  connection  with 
certain  poems,  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  they  are 
names  of  scribes  who  copied,  or  of  priests  who 
recited  the  epics  or  the  hymns.  The  fact  is  signifi- 
cant, for  it  indicates  that  the  literature  is  the  work  ^ 
of  a  class,  not  of  individuals ;  that  it  grew  into  form 
under  the  shaping  of  many  hands ;   that  what  has 


90  OLD  BABYLONIA 

survived  is,  in  its  well-organized  whole,  the  flower 
of  uncounted  generations  of  priestly  activity.  The 
books  were  made  up  of  pages,  numbered  according 
to  the  number  of  tablets  required ;  each  tablet  was 
marked  for  identification  with  the  opening  words  of 
the  book ;  the  tablets  were  deposited  in  the  temples 
in  chambers  prepared  with  shelves  for  the  purpose. 
Editors  and  commentators  were  already  busy,  arrang- 
ing and  revising  the  literature  of  the  past.  Scholars 
have  concluded  that  the  narrative  of  the  deluge  in 
the  Gilgamesh  epic  is  composed  of  two  earUer  ver- 
sions joined  together  by  such  a  reviser.  Whether 
these  temple  libraries  were  open  to  the  public  is 
questionable,  and  indeed  one  is  not  to  conclude  from 
this  splendid  outburst  of  early  literature  that  the 
Babylonians  were  therefore  a  literary  people,  even  as 
one  cannot  argue  from  the  abundance  of  written 
business  documents  that  there  was  a  general  ability 
to  read  and  write.*  That  the  production  of  litemry 
works  and  interest  in  them  were  confined  primarily  to 
the  priests,  and  secondarily  to  the  upper  classes,  is, 
in  our  present  scarcity  of  information,  the  safest 
conclusion. 

82.  What  has  already  been  said  will  prepare  the 
reader  for  a  judgment  upon  the  general  character  of 
this  literature.  The  material  on  which  it  must  needs 
be  written,  the  early  age  in  which  it  appears,  and  the 
priestly  influence  which  dominates  it  are  to  be  taken 
into  account  in  such  an  estimate.  It  is  not  just  to 
bring  into  comparison  the  literary  work  of  later 
peoples,  such  as  the  Hebrews  or  the  Greeks;  the 
Egyptian  literature  of  the  same  period  may  more 
properly  be  regarded  as  a  competitor.     Thus  tested, 


ESTIMATE  OF  THE  LITERATURE  91 

the  Babylonian  undoubtedly  comes  off  superior.  Its 
imager}'-,  while  sometimes  fantastic,  is  often  bold  and 
strong,  sometimes  weird,  even  fresh  and  delicate.  Its 
form,  particularly  in  the  poetry,  is  highly  developed, 
rhythmical,  and  flowing.  Its  thought  is  not  seldom 
profound  with  the  mysteries  of  life  and  death  and 
vigorous  in  grappling  with  these  problems.  Es- 
pecially remarkable  is  the  fine  talent  for  narration, 
as  Tiele  has  observed  in  his  estimate  of  the  litera- 
ture (BAG,  pp.  572  f).  Over  against  Maspero's 
strange  dictum  that  "  the  bulk  of  Chaldean  literature 
seems  nothing  more  than  a  heap  of  pretentious 
trash"  (Dawn  of  Civ.,  p.  771),  may  be  placed 
Sayce's  general  remark  that  *'  even  if  we  judge  it 
from  a  merely  literary  point  of  view,  we  shall  find 
much  to  admire  "  (Babylonian  Literature,  p.  70),  and 
the  more  detailed  conclusion  of  Baumgartner,  par- 
ticularly as  to  the  Gilgamesh  Epic,  that,  "  regarded 
purely  as  poetry,  it  has  a  kind  of  primitive  force, 
haunting  voices  that  respond  to  the  great  problems  of 
human  life,  suffering,  death,  and  the  future,  dramatic 
vividness  of  representation  and  utterance,  a  painting 
of  character  and  a  depicting  of  nature  which  pro- 
duce strong  effects  with  few  strokes "  (Geschichte 
der  Weltlitteratur,  I.  p.  84).  The  influence  which 
this  literature  exerted  upon  other  peoples  is  a  proof 
of  its  power.  Its  mythological  conceptions  reappear 
in  Hebrew  imagery ;  its  epic  figures  in  Greek  reli- 
gious lore.  The  dependence  of  the  Hebrew  narratives 
of  the  creation  and  deluge  upon  the  similar  Babylonian 
stories  may  be  uncertain,  but  the  form  of  the  hymns, 
their  lyrical  and  rhythmical  structure,  has,  in  all 
probability,  formed  the  model  for  Hebrew  psalmody, 


92  OLD  BABYLONIA 

while  many  of  the  expressions  of  religious  feeling 
and  aspiration,  first  wrought  out  in  the  temples  of 
Babylonia,  have  entered  into  the  sacred  language  of 
universal  religion. 

*  83.  The  ancient  Babylonians  had  made  some  impor- 
tant advances  in  the  direction  of  scientific  knowledge 
and  its  application  to  life.  Both  the  knowledge  and 
its  application^ llo.\vever,  were  inspired  and  dominated 
byreligioUj  a  fact  which  has  its  good  and  evil  aspects. 
Ko  doubt,  religion  acted  as  a  powerful  stimulus  to 
the  entering  of  the  various  fields  of  knowledge  on 
the  part  of  those  best  fitted  to  make  discoveries,  the 
priests ;  to  this  fact  is  due  the  remarkably  early  acqui- 
sitions of  the  Babylonians  in  these  spheres.  On  the 
other  hand,  knowledge  sought  not  for  its  own  sake, 
but  in  the  interests  of  religion,  was  conceived  of  under 
religious  forms,  employed  primarily  for  religious  pur- 
poses, and  subordinated  to  religious  points  of  view. 
The  notion  of  the  universe,  for  example,  was  pri- 
marily that  of  a  region  where  men  and  gods  dwelt; 
its  compartments  were  arranged  to  provide  the  proper 
accommodations  for  them.  The  earth  was  figured 
as  an  inverted  basket,  or  bowl  (the  mountain  of  the 
world),  its  edges  resting  on  the  great  watery  deep. 
On  its  outer  surface  dwelt  mankind.  Within  its  crust 
was  the  dark  abode  of  the  dead.  Above,  and  encom- 
passing it,  resting  on  the  waters,  was  another  hemi- 
sphere, the  heaven,  on  the  under  side  of  which  moved 
the  sun,  moon,  and  stars ;  on  the  outer  side  was  sup- 
ported another  vast  deep,  behind  which  in  eternal 
light  dwelt  the  gods.  On  the  east  and  west  of 
heaven  were  gates  through  which  the  sun  passed 
at  morning  and  night   in  his  movement  under  the 


SCIENCE  93 

heavenly  dome.  In  a  chamber  just  outside  the  east- 
ern gate,  the  gods  met  to  determine  the  destinies  of 
the  universe.  The  movements  of  the  world,  the  rela- 
tions of  nature  to  man,  were  likewise  regarded  as  the 
activities  of  the  divine  powers  in  making  revelations 
to  humanity  or  in  bringing  their  wills  to  bear  on  man- 
kind. Since  to  know  their  will  and  way  was  indis- 
pensable for  happiness,  the  priest  studied  the  stars 
and  the  plants,  the  winds  and  the  rocks,  and  inter- 
preted what  he  learned  in  terms  of  practical  religion. 
Medicine  consiMied  largely  in  the  repetition  of  formulae 
to  drive  out  the  demons  of  disease,  a  ritual  of  exor- 
cism where  the  manipulations  and  the  doses  had  little 
if  any  hygienic  basis.  Yet  an  ancient  book  of  medi- 
cal praxis  and  a  list  of  medicinal  herbs  show  that 
some  real  progress  was  made  in  the  knowledge  of  the 
body  and  of  actual  curative  agencies. 

84.  The  high  development  of  mathematical  science 
began  in  the  same  sacred  source.  The  forms  and  rela- 
tions of  geometry  were  employed  for  purposes  of  au- 
gury. The  heavens  were  mapped  out,  and  the  courses 
of  the  heavenly  bodies  traced  to  determine  the  bearing 
of  their  movements  upon  human  destinies.  Astrology 
was  born  in  Babylonia  and  became  the  mother  of  As- 
tronomy. The  world  of  nature  in  its  various  physical 
manifestations  was  studied  for  revelations  of  the  di- 
vine will,  and  the  resulting  skill  of  the  priests  in  the 
science  of  omens  was  unsurpassed  in  the  ancient 
world.  Yet,  withal,  they  had  worked  out  a  numeri- 
cal system,  compounded  of  the  decimal  and  the  sexa- 
gesimal series.  The  basis  was  the  "  soss,"  60 ;  the 
"ner"  was  600;  the  "  sar,"  3600.  The  metrology 
was  accurate  and  elaborate,  and  formed  the  starting- 


94  OLD  BABYLONIA 

point  of  all  other  systems  of  antiquity.  All  measures 
of  length,  area,  capacity,  and  weight  were  derived 
from  a  single  standard,  the  hand-breadth.  The  divi- 
sion of  the  circle  into  degrees,  minutes,  and  seconds 
on  the  sexagesimal  basis  (360°,  60",  60")  hails  from 
this  period  and  people.  The  ecliptic  was  marked  off 
into  the  twelve  regions,  and  the  signs  of  the  zodiac, 
as  we  know  them,  already  designated.  The  year  of  three 
hundred  sixty-five  and  one-fourth  days  was  known, 
though  the  common  year  was  reckoned  according  to 
twelve  months  of  thirty  days  each,  and  equated  with 
the  solar  year  by  intercalating  a  month  at  the  proper 
times.  Tables  of  stars  and  their  movements,  of  eclipses 
of  moon  and  sun,  were  carefully  prepared.  The  year 
began  with  the  month  Nisan  (March-April) ;  the 
day  with  the  rising  of  the  sun ;  the  month  was  di- 
vided into  weeks  of  seven  days ;  the  day  from  sunrise 
to  sunrise  into  twelve  double  hours  of  sixty  minutes. 
The  clepsydra  and  the  sun-dial  were  Babylonian  in- 
ventions for  measuring  time. 

85.  The  materials  from  which  are  obtained  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  history  of  early  Babylonia  offer,  at  the  same 
time,  testimony  as  to  the  artistic  development,  which 
may  be  traced,  therefore,  through  the  three  historic 
epochs.  In  the  pre-Sargonic  period  almost  all  the 
available  material  is  thatTn^tone  and  metal  found 
at  Shirpurla.  On  a  bas-relief  of  King  Ur  Nina  he 
stands  with  a  basket  upon  his  head,  his  shouldei"s  and 
bust  bare,  a  skirt  about  his  waist  descending  to  his 
feet.  Before  him  his  children,  represented  as  of 
much  smaller  stature,  express  their  obeisance  by  the 
hands  clasped  across  the  breast.  The  heads  and  feet 
are  in  profile,  while  the  bodies  are  presented  full  to 


ART  9o 

the  spectator,  thus  producing  a  contorted  effect.  The 
whole,  while  full  of  simplicity  and  vigor,  is  crude  and 
rough.  The  long  sharp  noses,  retreating  foreheads, 
and  large  deep-set  eyes  give  a  strange  bird-like  ap- 
pearance to  the  faces.  The  so  called  "vulture  stele  " 
of  Edingiranagin  (sect.  76)  is  much  more  complex  in 
its  design.  It  is  a  large  piece  of  white  stone  carved 
on  both  faces.  On  the  one  side  four  scenes  in 
the  war  are  represented  —  the  battle,  the  victory,  the 
funeral  rites  and  thank-offering,  the  execution  of  the 
captives.  On  the  other  side,  the  booty  is  heaped  up 
before  the  gods,  and  the  coat  of  arms  of  Shirpurla  is 
held  aloft  in  the  king's  hand.  The  scenes  are  spirit- 
edly sketched,  and  artistic  unity  is  sought  in  the  com- 
plicated representation.  The  silver  vase  of  Entemena 
(sect.  56)  is  the  finest  piece  of  metal  work  of  the 
time.  It  rises  gracefully  from  a  bronze  pedestal, 
rounds  out  to  one-half  its  height,  and  ends  in  a  wide 
vertical  collar.  Its  sides  are  adorned  with  eagles,  goats, 
lions,  and  other  animals.  The  age  of  Sargon  is  intro-  -* 
duced  by  the  splendid  bas-relief  of  Naram  Sin,  found 
on  the  upper  Tigris.  What  remains  of  it  is  a  frag- 
ment only,  but  it  represents  a  royal  figure,  bearded, 
with  conical  cap,  a  tunic  thrown  over  the  breast  and 
left  shoulder,  leaving  bare  the  right  arm,  which  grasps 
a  weapon.  The  work  is  singularly  fine  and  strong 
(Hilprecht,  OBT,  I.  ii,  pi.  xxii).  The  height  of  v 
the  plastic  art  of  the  time  is  reached  in  the  statues 
of  Gudea  of  Shirpurla  (sect.  60).  They  are  of  very 
hard  stone,  but  the  artist  has  neglected  no  detail. 
The  king  is  represented  in  the  attitude  of  submission 
before  the  gods,  his  hands  clasped  upon  his  breast. 
The  head  is  gone  from  every  statue,  but  heads  of 


96  OLD  BABYLONIA 

other  statues  have  been  found  which  illustrate  the 
method  of  treatment.  A  thick  cap  or  turban  is  worn 
on  the  head,  and  the  tunic,  as  in  the  Naram  Sin  bas- 
relief,  leaves  the  right  arm  bare  and  descends  to  the 
feet.  Special  study  is  given  to  this  drapery ;  the 
very  folds  are  somewhat  timidly  reproduced.  In 
mastery  of  his  material  the  artist  has  made  much 
progress  since  the  early  days.  The  impression  given 
is  one  of  severe  simplicity,  directness,  attention  to 
detail,  and  concentrated  power  (Maspero,  DC,  pp. 
611  fe.). 

86.  The  works  just  mentioned  are  the  highest 
achievements  of  the  sculptor's  and  goldsmith's  art. 
But,  in  a  variety  of  smaller  objects,  similar  artistic 
skill  appears.  The  alabaster  vases,  dedicated  by  the 
earliest  kings  at  Nippur,  the  teriu-cotta  vases,  orna- 
mented with  rope  patterns,  found  in  the  same  place, 
the  copper  and  bronze  statuettes  and  vessels  of  various 
kinds,  (the  pottery  is,  in  general,  strange  to  say,  rude 
and  inartistic,)  and  numerous  other  implements  and 
objects  are  testimonies  to  the  same  artistic  ability. 
Particularly  are  the  seal  cylinders  worthy  of  mention. 
Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  use  of  the 
seal  by  the  Babylonians.  Hard  pebbles  of  carnelian, 
jasper,  chalcedony,  and  porphyry  were  rounded  into 
cylinders  from  two  to  three  fifths  of  an  inch  in 
diameter  and  from  three-quarters  of  an  inch  to  an 
inch  and  a  half  in  length ;  then  upon  the  surface  were 
incised  scenes  from  mythology  or  figures  of  holy 
beings,  such  as  Gilgamesh  in  his  contest  with  the 
lion,  or  the  sun  or  moon  god  receiving  homage  from 
his  servant.  Stamped  upon  the  soft  clay  of  a  docu- 
ment, the  seal  imparted,  as  it  were,  the  sanction  of 


ESTIMATE  OF  THE  ART  97 

the  gods  to  the  agreement  as  well  as  certified  to  the 
good  faith  of  the  signer.  The  work  of  the  engraver 
of  these  seals  is  remarkable.  The  best  of  them,  such 
as  that  of  the  scribe  of  Sargon  of  Agade  (Maspero, 
DC,  p.  601 ;  compare  B.  M.  Guide,  pi.  xxiii)  show 
extraordinary  fineness  of  workmanship,  breadth  of 
treatment,  and  realistic  fidelity  to  fact.  Indeed,  of  all 
the  art  of  early  Babylonia  it  may  be  said  that  it  is  emi-^ 
nently  realistic ;  the  artist  has  little  sense  of  the  ideal 
or  the  general.  To  present  the  fact  as  it  is,  with  sim- 
plicity verging  on  bareness,  and  with  a  directness  that 
is  almost  too  abrupt,  —  this  was  at  the  same  time  the 
weakness  and  the  strength  of  the  Babylonian  sculptor 
or  engraver.  This  trait  is  specially  evident  in  his  con- 
ception of  the  gods.  He  was  the  first  to  present  them  • 
as  human  beings.  But  his  anthropomorphism  is  rude 
and  crude.  The  divine  beings  are  not  greater  or 
grander  than  the  men  who  worship  them.  The  con- 
ception, indeed,  was  original  and  epoch-making.  But 
it  was  reserved  for  the  Greeks  to  improve  upon  it  by 
glorifying  and  idealizing  the  human  forms  under 
which  they  represented  their  Apollo  and  their  Zeus. 
Another  peculiarity  which  worked  to  the  disadvantage 
of  Babylonian  art  was  the  convention  which  demanded 
drapery  in  the  representation  of  the  human  form. 
Here  too  is  realism,  for  the  changeable  climate  doubt- 
less required  men  to  wear  thicker  clothing,  and  that 
more  constantly,  than,  for  example,  in  Egypt.  Hence 
the  study  of  the  nude  body  and  the  sense  of  beauty 
and  grace  which  it  develops  were  absent.  The  long 
robes  give  a  stiffness  and  sameness  to  the  figures  for 
which  the  greater  skill  attained  in  the  representation 
of  drapery  hardly  compensated. 

7       . 


"98  ..  OLD  BABVLOXIA 


_87j_Although  the  early  Biil)ylonians  had  little  stone 
or  wood  with  which  to  build,  they  used  clay  bricks 
with  architectural  originality  and  effectiveness.  The 
palace  or  temple  was  not  built  upon  the  level  of 
the  ground,  but  upon  a  rectangular  brick  platform. 
At  Shirpurla  this  was  forty  feet  high ;  at  Nippur 
forty-five  feet  above  the  plain.  Upon  it  stood  the 
palace  structure  of  brick,  one  story  high,  with  its  cor- 
ners usually  facing  the  cardinal  points.  The  walls 
were  very  tliick,  the  chambers  small  and  dark,  tlie  pas- 
sages narrow  and  often  vaulted.  Vertical  walls  and 
fiat  roofs  were  the  rule.  The  rooms,  courts,  galleries, 
and  passages  stretched  away  interminably,  yet  with  a 
definite  plan,  within  the  rectangle.  Huge  buttresses 
of  brick  sustained  the  platform,  and  pilasters  supported 
the  walls  of  the  structure  built  upon  it.  Access  to 
the  building  was  obtained  by  a  staircase  rising  from 
the  plain.  To  protect  all  from  the  tremendous  rains 
whicli  would  tend  to  undermine  the  walls,  tlie  solid 
mass  of  the  platform  was  threaded  by  terra-cotta  drains 
whicli  carried  the  water  down  to  the  plain.  Ventilating 
shafts,  likewise,  were  used  to  let  in  tlie  air  and  drain 
off  the  moisture.  The  temple  was  sometimes,  like 
the  palace,  a  series  of  one-story  buildings,  but  usually 
culminated  in  what  was  a  type  of  temple  construction 
peculiar  to  Babylonia,  the  ziggurat^  a  series  of  solid 
masses  of  brick,  placed  one  above  the  other,  each  suc- 
cessive story  smaller  than  the  one  beneath  it.  A 
staircase  or  an  inclined  plane  led  from  the  shelf  of  one 
story  to  the  next ;  shrines  were  placed  on  the  shelves 
or  liollowed  out  of  the  brick  ;  the  shrine  of  the  chief 
deity  was  at  the  top.  At  Nippur  the  earliest  ziggurat 
upon  the  massive  temple  platform,  built  by  Ur-Gur 


ARCHITECTURE  99 

was  a  rectangular  oblong,  about  one  hundred  and 
seventy-five  feet  by  one  hundred,  and  composed  of 
three  stages  resting  one  upon  the  other  (Peters,  Nip- 
pur, II.  p.  124).  The  massiveness  and  monotony  of 
these  structures  were  relieved  by  the  use  of  stucco  to  j 
cover  and  protect  the  bricks  both  without  and  within:/ 
Conical  nails  of  colored  terra-cotta  were  embedded  in 
this  stucco,  or  decorative  designs  were  painted  upon 
it.  Enamelled  bricks  likewise  were  employed  for  ex- 
terior coatings  of  walls.  For  supports  of  the  roofs 
tree  trunks  were  used,  which  were  covered  with  metal 
sheathing.  Thus  Babylonia  became  the  birthplace  of  X^ 
the  decorated  wall  and  the  slender  column  (Sayce, 
Babylonia  and  Assyria,  p.  9).  The  earliest  known  x^ 
keyed  arch  has  been  unearthed  at  Nippur.  The  doors 
of  the  palaces  were  hung  in  huge  blocks  of  stone 
hollowed  out  in  the  centre  to  receive  the  door-posts, 
almost  the  only  use  of  stone  found  in  these  buildings. 
Remembering  the  material  at  the  disposal  of  these 
architects,  one  cannot  but  admire  the  originality  and 
utility  of  the  designs  wrought  out  by  them.  They 
made  up  for  lack  of  stone  by  the  heaping  together  of 
great  masses  of  brick.  The  elevation  of  the  build- 
ings and  the  thickness  of  the  walls  served,  at  the 
same  time,  to  make  the  effect  more  imposing,  to 
supply  a  surer  defence  against  enemies,  and  to  afford 
protection  from  heat  and  storms. 
^  88.  It  has  frequently  been  noted  hitherto  how  the 
life  of  the  ancient  Babylonian  was  deeply  interfused 
with  his  religion.  The  priests  are  judges,  scribes,  and 
authors.  Writing  is  first  employed  in  the  service  of 
the  gods.  Both  the  themes  and  the  forms  of  litera- 
ture are  inspired  by  religion.     Art  receives  its  stimu- 


100  OLD   BABYLONIA 

lus  from  the  same  source,  the  royal  statues  standing 
as  votive  offerings  in  the  temples  and  the  seal  cylin- 
ders being  engraved  with  figures  of  divine  beings. 
Science,  whether  it  be  medicine  or  mathematics,  has, 
as  its  ground,  the  activity  of  the  heavenly  powers,  or, 
as  its  end,  the  enlarging  of  religious  knowledge. 
Therefore  it  is  fitting  to  close  this  review  of  early 
Babylonian  civilization  with  a  sketch  of  the  religion. 
Already  the  fact  has  been  observed  that,  from  the 
beginning,  the  city-states  possessed  temples,  each  the 
centre  of  the  worship  of  a  particular  god  (sect.  48). 
Thus  at  Ericlu  wsls  Ea ;  at  Ur,  Sin,  the  moon  god  ; 
at_J^arsap^  Shamash,  the  sun  god ;  at  U?uk,  the  god- 
dess Ishtar ;  at  Shirpurla,  Ningirsu ;  at  Nippur,  Enlil 
or  Bel;  at  Kutha,  Nergal;  at  Sippar,  Shamash;  at 
Agade,  the  goddess  An  unit ;  at  Babylon,  Marduk  ; 
and  at  Borsippa,  Nabu.  From  this  list  of  gods  it  is 
evident  at  first  glance  that  religion  was  local  and  that 
the  gods  were  in  some  cases  powers  of  nature.  Clearly 
a  more  than  primitive  stage  of  development  had  been 
reached,  since  the  same  god  was  worshipped  in  two 
different  cities.  Investigation  has  made  these  facts 
more  certain  by  showing  that  Ningirsu,  Nergal,  and 
Marduk  are,  probably,  forms  of  the  sun  god ;  that 
Anunit  is  but  another  name  for  Ishtar ;  that  Enlil 
was  a  storm  god ;  that  at  each  of  these  cities  a  mul- 
titude of  minor  deities  was  worshipped ;  and  that 
similar  local  worship  was  carried  on  at  less  known 
centres  of  population.  The  religious  inscriptions  of 
Gudea  of  Shirpurla  (sect.  60)  show  a  well-organize(l 
pantheon  consisting  of  a  variety  of  male  and  female 
deities  with  Ningirsu  in  the  lead.  Here  appears  the 
god  Anu,  "  the  heaven,"  who,  though  not  prominent 


SPIRIT  WORSHIP  101 

in  local  worship,  stands  theoretica]:!}^^  Jit  .t-ie  head  cx  -ail 
the  gods.  The  religion  of  early  Babylonian  history, 
then,  was  a  local  nature  worship. w^hich?  jwas, pa s:^ing- 
into  a  more  or  less  formal  organization  and  unifica- 
tion of  deities  as  a  result  of  political  development  or 
theological  formulation.  L' 

89.  Behind  this  advanced  stage  was  another  and 
very  different  phase  of  Babylonian  religion  testified 
to  by  a  body  of  conjuration  formulae  and  hymns  of 
similar  tenor.  In  the  great  mass  of  this  literature 
the  names  of  the  gods  just  enumerated  are  hardly 
mentioned.  The  world  is  peopled  with  spirits,  Zi^ 
good  and  evil  beings,  whose  relations  to  man  deter- 
mine his  condition  and  destiny.  If  he  suffers  from 
sickness,  it  is  an  attack  of  a  demon  who  must  be 
driven  out  by  a  formula,  or  by  an  appeal  to  a  stronger 
spirit  of  good.  These  powers  are  summed  up  under 
various  names  indicative  of  the  beginnings  of  organi- 
zation, as,  for  example,  "  spirit  of  heaven  "  (zi  ana)^ 
"  spirit  of  earth  "  (zi  kia)  ;  "  lord  of  demons  "  (en  lil)  ; 
"  lord  of  earth "  (en  Jcl),  As  the  sense  of  good, 
of  beneficent,  powers  got  the  better  of  the  fear  of 
harm  and  ruin  in  the  minds  of  men,  the  spirit-powers 
passed  into  gods.  Thus  the  "  spirit  of  heaven " 
became  Ami ;  the  "  lord  of  earth "  or  the  "  spirit  of 
earth "  was  identified  with  Ea  of  Eridu ;  the  "  lord 
of  demons  "  was  found  again  in  Bel  of  Nippur.  A 
first  triad  of  Babylonian  gods  was  thus  consti- 
tuted in  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea.  As  religion  grew  in 
firmness  of  outline  and  organization,  the  hosts  of 
spirits  retreated  before  the  great  gods,  and,  while  not 
disappearing,  took  a  subordinate  place,  in  private  or 
individual   worship,   and    continued   to   exercise    £^n 


102  OLD  BABYLONIA 

important  influeiiCQ  upon  the  faith  and  practice  of 
the  people.  The  diyine  beings,  whether  rising  out 
of  local,  s^pirits  ©r.spirits  of  nature  or  the  combination 
of  both,  took  the  field  and  marked  the  transition  to  the 
new  phase  of  religion  in  which  the  beneficent  powers 
were  recognized  as  the  superior  beings,  and  received 
the  worship  and  gifts  of  the  community. 

90.  The  general  notion  of  divine  beings  entertained 
by  the  old  Babylonian  is  illustrated  by  the  term  for 
god,  ilu^  which  conveys  the  root  idea  of  power, 
might.  It  was  as  "  strong "  ones  that  the  spirits 
came  into  contact  with  man  from  the  beginning.  It 
was  the  heavenly  powers  of  sun  and  moon  and  stars 
and  storm  that  of  all  nature-forces  had  most  im- 
pressed him.  He  indicated  his  attitude  toward  them 
also  by  the  favorite  descriptive  term  "  lord  "  (gn,  hel'). 
They  were  above  him,  supreme  powers  whom  he 
served  and  obeyed  in  humility  and  dependence.  Yet 
mighty  as  were  the  gods,  and  exalted  as  they  were 
above  humanity,  the  Babylonian  was  profoundly 
conscious  of  the  influences  brought  to  bear  by  the 
divine  world  upon  mankind.  From  the  period  when 
he  felt  himseK  surrounded  by  manifold  spirits  of  the 
natural  world,  to  the  time  when  he  sought  to  do  the 
will  of  the  great  heavenly  powers,  he  was  ever 
the  centre  of  the  play  of  the  forces  of  the  other  world. 
They  were  never  far  from  him  in  purpose  and  action. 
The  stars  moving  over  the  sky  spoke  to  him  of  their 
will  and  emitted  divine  influences ;  the  wind,  the 
storm,  the  earthquake,  the  eclipse,  the  actions  of 
animals,  the  flight  of  birds,  —  all  conveyed  the  divine 
messages  to  him  who  could  interpret  them.  Hence 
eiyose    the    irarnense    mass    of   magical     texts,    the 


THE  RELIGIOUS  TEMPER  103 

pseudo-science  of  astrology,  and  the  doctrine  of 
omens.  The  religious  temper  produced  by  such  an 
idea  of  god  was  twofold.  On  the  one  hand  the  divine 
influence  was  felt  as  pure  power,  arbitrary,  undefined, 
and  not  to  be  counted  on ;  hence  to  be  averted  at  all 
hazards,  restrained  by  magical  means,  or  rendered 
favorable  by  an  elaborate  ritual.  Or,  the  worshipper 
felt  in  the  divine  presence  a  sense  of  ill-desert,  and, 
in  his  desire  for  harmony  with  the  divine  ruler,  flung 
himself  in  confession  and  appeal  upon  the  mercy 
of  his  god  in  those  remarkable  Penitential  Psalms  in 
which  fear,  suffering,  and  a  sense  of  guilt  are  so 
joined  together  as  almost  to  defy  analysis  and  to  for- 
bid a  final  judgment  as  to  the  essence  of  the  ethical 
quality.  Those  who  first  felt  the  emotions  which 
these  psalms  reveal  were  certainly  on  the  road  leading 
to  the  heights  of  moral  aspiration  and  renewal.  The 
difficulty  was  that  the  element  of  physical  power  in 
the  gods  was  ineradicable  and,  corresponding  to  it, 
the  use  of  magic  to  constrain  the  divine  beings  crept 
into  all  religious  activity  and  endeavor,  thus  thwart- 
ing all  moral  progress.  Though  men  recognized 
that  their  world  had  been  won  from  chaos  to  cosmos 
by  the  gods  under  whose  authority  they  lived,  —  for 
this  was  the  meaning  of  the  victory  of  Marduk  over 
Tiamat,  —  they  conceived  of  the  victory  in  terms  of 
the  natural  physical  universe,  not  as  a  conquest  of 
sin  by  the  power  of  holiness  and  truth. 

91.  The  conduct  of  worship  was  no  doubt  originally 
the  task  of  the  priest.  He  afterward  became  king, 
and  carried  with  him  into  his  royal  position  many 
of  the  prerogatives  and  the  restrictions  attending  the 
priestly    office.     He   was   the   representative   of  the 


104  OLD  BABYLONIA 

community  before  the  gods,  and  therefore  girt  about 
with  sanctity  which  often  involved  strict  tahu.  But 
he  soon  divided  his  powers  with  others,  priests 
strictly  so  called,  who  performed  the  various  duties 
connected  with  the  priestly  service  and  whose  names 
and  offices  have  in  part  come  down  to  us.  Rituals 
have  been  preserved  for  various  parts  of  the  service ; 
many  hymns  have  survived  which  were  sung  or  recited. 
Sacrifices  of  animals  were  made,  libations  poured  out, 
and  incense  burned.  Priests  wore  special  dresses, 
ablutions  were  strongly  insisted  upon,  clean  and  un- 
clean animals  were  carefully  distinguished,  special 
festivals  were  kept  in  harmony  with  the  changes  of 
the  seasons  and  the  movements  of  the  heavenly 
bodies.  Religious  processions,  in  which  the  gods 
were  carried  about  in  arks,  ships,  or  chests,  were 
common.  A  calendar  of  lucky  and  unlucky  days 
was  made.  A  Sabbath  was  observed  for  the  purpose  of 
assuaging  the  wrath  of  the  gods,  that  their  hearts  might 
rest  (Jastrow,  in  Am.  Jour,  of  Theol.,  II.  p.  315  f.). 
Every  indication  points  to  the  existence  of  a  powerful 
priesthood  whose  influence  was  felt  in  all  spheres  of 
social  and  national  life.  ^ 

92.  The  outlook  of  the  Babylonians  upi^n  the  life 
beyond  was  sombre.  Burial  customs  indicate  that 
they  believed  in  future  existence,  since  drink  and 
food  were  placed  with  the  dead  in  their  graves.  But, 
in  harmony  with  the  severer  conception  of  God,  the 
Babylonian  thought  of  the  future  had  an  uncertain 
and  forbidding  aspect.  The  poem  which  describes 
the  descent  of  the  goddess  Ishtar  to  the  abode  of  the 
dead,  called  Arallu,  conceives  of  this  region  as  dark 
and  dusty,  where  the  shades  flit  about  like  bivds  in 


DOMINANT  FORCES  OF  LIFE  105 

spaces  shut  in  by  bars,  whence  there  is  no  egress. 
There  is  the  realm  of  Nergal,  and  of  queen  Allat  who 
regents  the  presence  of  Ishtar,  goddess  of  life  and 
love,  and  inflicts  dire  punishments  upon  her.  Yet  in 
this  prison-house  there  is  a  fountain  of  life,  though 
sealed  with  seven  seals ;  and  in  the  Epic  of  Gil- 
gamesh  are  heroes  who  have  reached  the  home 
of  the  blessed,  —  indications  that  the  higher  religious 
aspiration  was  seeking  after  a  conception  of  the  future 
more  in  harmony  with  the  belief  in  great  and  benefi- 
cent deities  dwelling  in  the  light  and  peace  of  the 
upper  heaven.  It  was  the  darker  view,  however,  that 
passed  from  Babylonia  to  the  west  and  reappeared  in 
the  dusky  Sheol  of  the  Hebrews,  into  which  all, 
whether  good  or  bad,  descended,  there  to  prolong  a 
sad  and  shadowy  existence. 

93.  In  concluding  this  presentation  of  early  Baby- 
lonian  life  it  is   possible   to   suhl  up  the  dominant 
forces  of  history  and   progress   under  three   heads: 
(1)  Religion  is  the  inspiring  and  regulative  element) 
of  the  community.     In   its   representatives   govern- 
ment finds  its  first  officials.     In  the  centre  of  each  I 
city  is  the  temple  with  its  ruling  and  protecting  deity.  \ 
Pohtical  growth  is  indicated  by  the  wider  worship  of  ( 
the   local   god.     The    citizens   and   their   lords    are  j 
servants  of  the  god.     He  is  the  fount  of  justice,  and  I 
his  priests  are  guardians  of  culture.     Industry  and 
commerce  have  their  sanctions  in  the  oaths  of  the] 
gods,  and  the  temples  themselves  are  centres  of  mer- 
cantile activity ;  they  are  the  banks,  the  granaries,  and 
the  seats  of  exchange.     All  life  is  founded  on  religion 
and  permeated  by  its  influence.     (2)  The  energizing/ 
element  of  these  communities  is  the  ruler.     Already 


106  OLD  BABYLONIA 

the  power  of  personality  has  made  itself  felt.  Politi- 
cal organization  has  crystallized  about  the  individual. 
He  exercises  supreme  and  unlimited  power,  as 
servant  of  the  deity  and  representative  of  divine 
authority.  He  is  the  builder,  the  general,  the  judge, 
the  high  priest.  All  the  affairs  of  his  people  are  an 
object  of  solicitude  to  him.  His  name  is  perpetuated 
upon  the  building-stones  of  the  temple  and  the  palace. 
His  figure  is  preserved  in  the  image  which  stands 
before  the  god  in  his  temple.  He  is  sometimes,  in 
literal  truth,  the  life  of  his  people.  (3)  From  these 
two  forces  united,  religion  and  the  ruler,  springs  the 
third  element,  the  impulse  to  expansion.  Neither  god 
nor  king  is  satisfied  with  local  sovereignty.  The 
ambition  of  the  one  is  sanctified  and  stimulated  by  the 
divine  commendation,  encouragement,  and  effectual 
aid  of  the  other.  The  god  claims  universal  sway. 
The  king,  his  representative,  goes  forth  to  conquer 
under  his  command.  The  people  follow  their  human 
and  their  divine  lords  whithersoever  they  lead.  In  that 
period  circumstances  were  also  particularly  favorable 
to  such  forward  movements.  Communication  between 
the  different  cities  was  made  easy  by  the  innumerable 
watercourses  threading  the  plain.  The  mighty  rivers 
offered  themselves  as  avenues  for  wider  expansion. 
Such  was  Old  Babylonia  in  its  essential  characteristics. 
Such  was  the  philosophy  of  its  early  history,  illus- 
trated by  the  details  of  the  struggles  which  have  al- 
ready been  described  (Part  I.  chap.  II.).  The  end 
was  a  united  Babylonia,  achieved  by  the  great  khig 
Khammurabi,  in  whom  all  these  forces  culminated. 


THE  TIMES  OF  KHAMMURABI  OF  BABYLON. 
2300-2100   B:C. 

94.  It  is  clear  that  the  cit}^  of  Babylon  did  not  play 
a  prominent  part  in  early  Babylonian  history  (sect. 
50).  It  was  not,  like  Agade,  Shirpurla,  Uruk,  or  Ur, 
the  centre  of  a  flourishing  and  aggressive  state,  nor 
had  it  any  religious  pre-eminence  such  as  was  en- 
joyed by  Nippur  or  Eridu.  Such  an  assertion Js  not 
based  merely  on  a  lack  of  inscriptional  information 
which  future  excavation  may  be  trusted  to  supplv. 
Existing  inscriptions  of  the  early  time  take  no  ac- 
count of  the  city.  This  would  not  be  the  case  if  its 
importance  had  been  recognized.  The  religious  hymns 
do  not  mention  it.  Its  god  Marduk  takes  a  secondary 
place  in  the  later  pantheon,  below  Bel  of  Nippur,  Ea 
of  Eridu,  Sin  of  Ur,  and  Shamash  of  Sippar.  In  the 
time  of  the  kings  of  Agade,  Babylon  is  said  to  be  a 
part  of  their  dominions  and  Sargon  built  a  temple 
there.  The  fact  is  significant,  and  suggests  that  the 
city  was  overshadowed  by  the  greater  power  and  fame 
of  '  Sargon's  capital.  Only  when  the  political  and 
commercial  pre-eminence  of  the  more  northern  state 
passed  away,  was  an  opportunity  given  to  Babylon. 
By  that  time,  however,  the  southern  cities  had  seized 
the  leadership  and  had  held  it  for  a  thousand  years. 
Accordingly,  not  till  the  middle  of  the  third  millen- 
nium B.  c.   (sect.  63),  did  the  first  historical  Baby- 


108  OLD   BABYLONIA 

Ionian  king  appear  and  the  city  push  forward  into 
political  importance.  Its  progress,  thereafter,  was 
rapid  and  brilliant. 

95.  The  first  five  kings  of  the  first  dynasty  were  as 
follows: 

Sumu-abu about  2399-2384. 

Sumula-ilu      ....        "      2384-2349. 

Zabuin "      2349-2335. 

AbilSin "      2335-2317. 

Sin-muballit   ....        "      2317-2297." 

Immerum  (usurper  ?). 

From  none  of  these  kings  have  inscriptions  been 
recovered,  but  what  has  been  called  a  ''  Chronicle  "  of 
their  doings  year  by  year,  and  business  documents 
dated  in  their  reigns,  together  with  references  to 
some  of  them  by  later  kings,  give  an  insight  into 
their  affairs.  The  Babylonian  kings'  list  indicates 
that,  beginning  with  Zabum,  son  succeeded  father. 
Immerum  appears  in  the  business  documents,  but 
without  indication  of  his  place  in  the  dynasty.  The 
kings'  list  does  not  name  him,  and  he  is  therefore 
regarded  as  a  usurper.  No  light  has  been  shed  on 
the  events  connected  with  the  accession  of  the  first 
king  to  the  Babylonian  throne.  From  the  names  of 
the  kings  it  has  been  inferred  that  the  dynasty  was  of 
Arabian  origin,  and  that  the  new  outburst  of  Babylo- 
nian might  which  now  ensues  is  due  to  the  infusion 
of  new  blood  in  consequence  of  an  Arabian  invasion 
which  placed  its  leaders  on  the  throne.  The  hypothe- 
sis is  certainly  plausible.  The  events  of  Sumuabu's 
reign  are  largely  peaceful,  temple  building  and  the 
offering  of  crowns  to  the  deities  being  the  chief  matters 


EARLY  KINGS   OF  BABYLON  109 

of  moment.  Toward  the  close,  however,  the  city  of 
Kagallu,  presumably  in  the  vicinity  of  Babylon,  was 
laid  waste,  —  a  suggestion  that  Babylon  was  already 
beginning  to  let  its  power  be  felt  in  the  north.  A 
later  king  of  this  dynasty,  Samsu-iluna,  states  that 
he  rebuilt  six  great  walls  or  castles  which  had  been 
built  in  the  reign  of  Sumulailu,  the  second  king,  who 
also  fortified  Babylon  and  oippar,  overthrew  Kagallu 
again,  and  destroyed  the  city  of  Kish.  He,  too,  was 
a  devout  worshipper  of  the  gods.  A  king  of  New 
Babylonia  (Nabuna'id)  refers  to  a  sun-temple  in  Sippar 
which  dated  back  to  Zabum,  and  the  "  Chronicle  " 
speaks  of  other  temples  and  shrines.  The  inference 
from  these  relations  with  cities  outside  Babylon  sug- 
gests that  by  Zabum' s  time  Babylon  had  extended 
its  sway  in  north  Babylonia  and  was  ready  to  enter 
the  south.  It  was,  accordingly,  with  Sinmuballit 
that  complications  arose  with  southern  Babylonia, 
then  under  the  hegemony  of  Rim  Sin  of  Larsam,  an 
Elamite  conqueror.  The  chronicle  states  that  Isin 
was  taken  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  the  Babylonian 
king.  If  business  documents  which  are  dated  by  the 
capture  of  this  city  are  properly  interpreted,  it  appears 
to  have  been  the  centre  of  a  conflict  between  the  two 
powers,  since  it  was  apparently  captured  alternately 
by  both.     The  issue  of  the  war  is  unknown. 

96.  While  so  scanty  an  array  of  facts  avails  for  the 
history  of  these  early  kings,  with  the  sixth  king, 
Khammurabi  (about  2297-2254  B.  c.)  a  much  clearer 
and  wider  prospect  is  opened.  The  fact  that  an 
unusually  large  amount  of  inscriptional  material 
comes  from  his  reign  is  an  indication  that  a  change 
has  taken  place  in  the  position  and  fortunes  of  his 


110  OLD  BABYLONIA 

city.  The  first  and  most  striking  confirmation  of  tlie 
change,  furnished  by  this  material,  is  its  testimony 
to  the  overthrow  of  tlie  Elamite  power  (sect.  64). 
Knowledge  of  the  causes  which  brought  Khammurabi 
into  collision  with  Rim  Sin  of  Larsam,  as  well  as  of 
the  events  of  the  struggle,  is  not,  indeed,  furnished 
in  the  inscriptions.  Sinmuballit  and  Rim  Sin  had 
already  met  before  Isin,  and  the  new  conflict  may 
have  been  merely  a  renewal  of  the  war.  From  the 
narrative  contained  in  Genesis  xiv.  1,  2,  it  has  been 
inferred  that  Khammurabi  (Amraphel)  had  been  a 
vassal  of  the  Elamite  king  and  rebelled  against  him 
(sect.  6o).  However  that  may  be,  the  Babylonian 
represented  the  native  element  in  a  reaction  against 
invaders  and  foreign  overlords  which  resulted  in 
their  expulsion.  There  is  probably  a  reference  to 
the  decisive  moment  of  this  struggle  in  the  dating 
of  a  business  document  of  the  time  "  in  the  year  in 
which  king  Khammurabi  by  the  might  of  Anu  and 
Bel  established  his  possessions  [or  "good  fortune"] 
and  his  hand  overthrew  the  lord  [or  "land,"  ma-da']^ 
of  lamutbal  and  king  Rim  Sin."  The  Elamites  seem 
to  have  retired  to  the  east,  whither  the  king's  lieuten- 
ants, Siniddinam  and  Inuhsamar,  pursued  them,  cross- 
ing the  river  Tigris  and  annexing  a  portion  of  the 
Elamite  lowland  (King,  Letters  and  Inscriptions  of 
Hammurabi,  I.  xxxvi.  ff.)  which  was  thereafter 
made  more  secure  by  fortifications.  In  the  south  of 
Babylonia  the  king  reduced  to  subjection  cities  which 
opposed  his  progress,  and  destroyed  their  walls.  His 
dominion  extended  over  the  whole  of  Babylonia  and 
eastward  across  the  Tigris  to  the  mountains  of  Elam. 
He  could  prochiim  himself  in  his  inscriptions  "the 


PUBLIC  WORKS  111 

mighty  king,  king  of  Babylon,  king  of  the  Four 
(world-)  Regions,  king  of  Shumer  and  Akkad,  into 
whose  power  the  god  Bel  has  given  over  land  and 
people,  in  whose  hand  he  has  placed  the  reins  of  gov- 
ernment (to  direct  them),"  thus  uniting  in  his  own 
person  the  various  titles  of  earlier  kings. 

97.  Though  Khammurabi  ''was  pre-eminently  a 
conquering  king"  (Jastrow,  Religion  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria,  p.  119),  hewas  not  behind  in  his  a,rrange- 
ments  fpX-the-economio  welfare  of  hia.kingdom.  One 
of  his  favorite  titles  is  hani  matim,  "builder  of  the 
land,"  descriptive  of  his  measures  for  the  recovery  of 
the  country  from  the  devastations  of  the  years  of  war 
and  confusion.  Of  his  canals,  at  least  two  are  de- 
scribed in  his  inscriptions.  One  he  dug  at  Sippar, 
apparently  connecting  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  In 
connection  with  it  he  fortified  the  city  and  surrounded 
it  with  a  moat.  Another  and  more  important  canal 
was  commemorated  in  the  following  inscription  which 
illustrates  his  interest  in  the  agricultural  prosperity  of 
Babylonia  : 

^'When  Anu  and  Bel  gave  (me)  the  land  of  Shumer 
and  Akkad  to  rule  and  entrusted  their  sceptre  to  my 
han'ds,  I  dug  out  the  Khammurabi-canal  (named)  Nukh- 
ush-nishi,  which  bringeth  abundance  of  water  unto  the 
land  of  Shumer  and  Akkad.  Both  the  banks  thereof  I 
changed  to  fields  for  cultivation,  and  I  garnered  piles  of 
grain,  and  I  procured  unfailing  water  for  the  land  of 
Shumer  and  Akkad." 

This  canal  was  probably  a  great  channel,  passing 
from  Babylon  in  a  southeasterly  direction  parallfel 
with  the  Euphrates,  whose  waters  it  received  and 


112  OLD  BABYLONIA 

distributed  by  smaller  canals  over  the  neighboring  dis- 
tricts, while  also  draining  the  adjoining  marshes.  The 
waste  lands  were  replanted  by  distribution  of  seed- 
corn  to  the  husbandmen ;  depopulated  districts  were 
refilled  by  the  return  of  their  inhabitants  or  the  set- 
tlement of  new  communities ;  the  prosperity  and  per- 
manence of  the  irrigating  works  were  secured  by  the 
building  of  a  castle,  which  was  doubtless  at  the  same 
time  a  regulating  station  for  the  supply  of  water,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  canal.  Among  other  building 
operations  we  hear  of  a  palace  in  the  vicinity  of 
Bagdad,  a  great  wall  or  fortification  along  the  Ti- 
gris, serving  as  well  for  protection  from  the  floods 
as  from  the  Elamite  invaders.  Other  fortifications  in 
various  parts  of  the  land  are  mentioned.  Yet  more  is 
known  about  the  temple  building.  As  the  Babylonian 
temples  were  as  useful  to  business  as  to  religion,  their 
restoration  was  a  contribution  to  material  as  well  as 
religious  well-being.  The  king  built  at  Larsam  a  tem- 
ple for  Shamash ;  at  Kish  one  for  Zamama  (Ninib)  and 
Ishtar,  others  at  Zarilab  and  at  Khallabi,  at  Borsippa 
and  Babylon.  It  is  not  improbable  that  in  the  two 
latter  cities  he  was  the  founder  of  the  famous  and 
enduring  structures  in  honor  of  the  gods,  called 
respectively  through  all  periods  of  Babylonian  history 
Ezida  and  Esagila. 

98.  Five  kings  succeeded  Khammurabi  before  this 
dynasty  gave  way  to  another.  Each  king  seems  to 
have  been  the  son  of  his  predecessor,  and  the  long 
reigns  which  all  enjoyed  illustrate  the  condition  of 
the  times.  Of  inscriptions  directly  from  them  only  a 
few  are  known.  One  from  Samsuiluna  (about  2254— 
2216),  Khammurabi's  son,  mentions  his  rebuilding  the 


KHAMMURABrS   SUCCESSORS  113 

walls  or  fortresses  of  his  ancestor  (sect.  95)  and 
enlarging  his  capital  city.  In  its  proud  and  swelling 
words  it  reflects  the  consciousness  of  greatness  and 
power  which  Khammurabi's  achievements  had  be- 
gotten in  his  successor.  "  Fear  of  my  dreaded  lord- 
ship covered  the  face  of  heaven  and  earth.  Wherefore 
the  gods  inclined  their  beaming  countenances  unto  me, 
...  to  rule  in  peace  forever  over  the  four  quarters 
of  the  world,  to  attain  the  desire  of  my  heart  like  a 
god,  daily  to  walk  with  uplifted  head  in  exultation 
and  joy  of  heart,  have  they  granted  unto  me  as 
their  gift "  (Keilinschrifthche  BibUothek,  III.  i.  130- 
132).  The  "Chronicle"  tells  of  conflicts  with  the 
Kassites,  and  of  rebellions  in  the  cities  of  I  sin  and 
Kish  which  were  put  down  by  him,  but  by  far  the 
more  numerous  events  there  referred  to  relate  to 
the  digging  of  canals  and  the  service  of  religion. 
From  Abeshu,  his  successor,  a  few  letters,  and 
inscriptional  fragments  only  remain.  A  late  copy  of 
an  inscription  from  Ammiditana  (about  2188-2151), 
besides  stating  that  he  was  the  eldest  son  of  Abeshu, 
the  son  of  Samsuiluna,  proclaims  him  "  King  ...  of 
Martu,"  that  is,  presumably,  "  the  westland,"  Syria. 
The  last  two  kings  were  Ammizaduga,  who  reigned 
ten  years  according  to  the  "  Chronicle,"  but  twenty- 
two  years  according  to  the  kings'  list,  and  Samsudi- 
tana  who  reigned  thirty-two  years.  During  the  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years  and  more  of  the  rule  of 
these  kings,  everything  speaks  in  testimony  of  the 
permanence  and  development  of  the  strong  political 
structure  whose  foundations  had  been  laid  by  Kham- 
murabi,  and  of  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  several 
communities  united  into  the  empire. 

8 


114  OLD  BABYLONIA 

99.  Of  the  significance  of  this  imperial  organiza- 
tion and  development  for  the  social  and  industrial 
life  of  the  land  there  are  many  illustrations.  A 
centralized  administration  bound  all  the  districts 
hitherto  separated  and  antagonistic  into  a  solid  unity. 
Khammurabi  "  was  not  content  merely  to  capture  a 
city  and  exact  tribute  from  its  inhabitants,  but  he 
straightway  organized  its  government,  and  appointed 
his  own  officers  for  its  control "  (King,  Let.  and  Ins. 
of  Ham.,  III.  XX.).  Communication  was  regularly 
kept  up  between  the  court  and  the  provincial  cities, 
which  were  thus  brought  administratively  into  close 
touch  vi^ith  the  capital^  An  immensely  increased 
commercial  activity  followed  this  new  centralization, 
as  is  shown  by  the  enormous  mass  of  business 
documents  from  this  age.  Increased  prosperity  was 
followed  by  rising  values.  The  price  of  land  under 
Khammurabi  w^as  higher  than  ever  before.  The  ad- 
ministration of  justice  was  advanced  through  the 
careful  oversight  of  the  courts  by  the  king  himself, 
and  by  the  creation  of  a  royal  court  of  appeal  at  Baby- 
lon, access  to  which  was  open  to  the  humblest  citizen. 
A  calendar  was  established  for  the  state  and  regulated 
by  the  royal  officials,  whose  arrangements  for  it  were 
approved  by  the  king,  and  published  throughout  the 
country.  A  royal  post-system,  the  device  of  an 
earlier  age,  was  elaborated  to  make  easy  all  this 
intercommunication  of  the  various  districts.  Con- 
sequent upon  it  came  greater  security  of  life  and 
property  as  well  as  regular  and  better  means  of 
transit,  —  blessings  which  were  shared  by  all  the  in- 
habitants. It  is  also  true,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
this  centralization  involved  the  economic  and  political 


RELIGION  UNDER  KHAMMURABI  115 

depression  of  the  other  cities  before  the  capital. 
They  gradually  lost  their  independent  significance, 
as  the  currents  of  trade  set  steadily  toward  Babylon, 
and  became  provincial  towns,  contributory  to  the 
wealth  and  power  of  the  royal  city.  It  was  the 
statesmanship  of  Khammurabi  that,  for  good  or  ill, 
laid  the  foundations  of  this  mercantile  and  monetary 
supremacy  of  Babylon,  before  which  the  other  com- 
munities passed  quite  out  of  sight.  Ur,  Larsam, 
Uruk,  and  Sippar  are  heard  of  no  more,  except  as 
seats  of  local  worship  or  of  provincial  administration. 
100.  The  sphere  of  religion,  likewise,  was  signifi- 
cantly influenced  by  the  new  imperial  organization. 
As  might  be  expected,  Marduk,  the  city-god  of 
Babylon,  now  became  the  head  of  the  Babylonian 
pantheon.  The  change  is  thought  to  have  been  some- 
thing more  than  the  natural  result  of  the  new  situa- 
tion ;  it  seems  to  have  been  deliberately  and  officially 
undertaken  as  the  potent  means  of  unifying  the  state. 
That  this  god's  supremacy  was  not  left  to  chance 
or  to  time  is  seen  by  the  systematic  abasement  of 
that  other  god  who  might  reasonably  contest  the  head- 
ship with  the  new  claimant,  namely,  Bel  of  Nippur 
(sect.  88).  The  religious  pre-eminence  of  his  temple, 
E-kur,  in  that  ancient  city,  passed  away,  and  it  is 
even  claimed  that  the  shrine  was  sacked,  the  images 
and  votive  offerings  destroyed,  and  the  cult  inter- 
mitted by  the  authority  of  the  kings  of  Babylon 
(Peters,  Nippur,  11.  pp.  257  f.).  The  proud  title  of 
Bel  ("lord")  passed  to  Marduk,  and  with  it  the 
power  and  prerogative  of  the  older  deity.  It  may 
not,  however,  be  necessary  to  assume  so  violent  an  as- 
sumption of  power  by  Marduk.    The  political  suprem- 


116  OLD  BABYLONIA 

acy  of  Babylon,  the  larger  power  and  greater  wealth 
of  the  priesthood  of  its  god,  the  more  splendid  cult, 
and  the  influence  of  the  superior  literary  activity  of 
the  priestly  scholars  of  the  capital  may  be  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  change.  However,  the  unifying 
might  of  a  common  religious  centre,  symbolized  in 
the  worship  of  the  one  great  god  of  the  court,  was 
not  to  be  despised,  and  Khammurabi  was  not  the  man 
to  overlook  its  importance.  As  the  provinces  looked 
to  Babylon  for  law  and  government,  so  they  found  in 
Marduk  the  supreme  embodiment  of  the  empire. 

101.  A  striking  corollary  of  this  change  in  the 
divine  world  is  found  in  the  transformation  of  the 
literature.  Reference  has  already  been  made  to 
the  revival  of  literary  activity  coincident  with  the 
age  of  Khammurabi  (sect.  79).  Under  the  foster- 
ing care  of  the  priesthood  of  Babylon,  the  older 
writings  were  collected,  edited,  and  arranged  in  the 
temple  libraries  of  the  capital  city.  A  common 
literary  culture  was  spread  abroad,  corresponding  to 
the  unity  in  other  spheres  of  life.  But  the  priests 
who  gathered  these  older  writings  subjeqted  them  to 
a  series  of  systematic  literary  modificatioils,  whereby 
the  r6le  of  the  ancient  gods,  particularly  that  of  Bel 
of  Nippur,  was  transferred  to  Marduk  of  Babylon. 
The  Creation  Epic  is  a  case  in  point.  In  the  culmi- 
nation of  that  poem  —  the  overthrow  of  Tiamat,  the 
representative  of  chaos  —  the  task  of  representing  the 
Babylonian  gods  in  the  struggle  is  assigned  to  Mar- 
duk, and  the  honors  of  victory  are  awarded  to  him. 
But  it  is  probable  tliat  in  the  earlier  form  of  the  Epic 
both  contest  and  victory  were  the  part  of  another  deity 
of  the  earlier  pantheon.     A  careful  analysis  of  this 


TRANSFORMATION  OF    LITERATURE 


^.i5 


I 


and  other  religious  documents  of  the  period  has  been 
made  by  Professor  Jastrow,  who  has  brilliantly  demon-       ^ 
.^tmted  that  "  the  legends  and  traditions  of  the  past,"    ^  A ' 
were  ''  reshaped  and  the  cult  in  part  remodelled  so  as      ^ 
to  emphasize  the  supremacy  of  Marduk"  (Rel.   of 
Bab.  and  Assyr.,  chaps,  vii.,  xxi.).     In  addition  to 
this  special  activity  on  behalf  of  their  favorite  god,      f 
the  priests  of  the  time  now  began  to  build  up  those      ^ 
systems  of  cosmology  and  theology  which  successive 
generations  of  schoolmen  elaborated  into  the  stately 
structures  of  speculation  that  so  mightily  influenced 
the  philosophy  and  religion  of  the  ancient  world. 


PART    II 

THE  RISE  OF  ASSYRIA  AND  ITS  STRUGGLES 
WITH  KASSITE  BABYLONIA 


THE   KASSITE    CONQUEST   OF    BABYLONIA    AND    THE 
APPEARANCE   OF   ASSYRIA.     2000-1500  B.C. 

102.  With  the  last  king  of  the  dynasty  of  Kham- 
murabi  (about  2098  B.  c.)  a  period  of  darkness  falls 
upon  the  history  of  the  land  between  the  rivers.  A 
new  dpiasty  of  the  Babylonian  kings'  list  begins  with 
a  certain  Anmanu,  and  continues  with  ten  other  kings 
whose  names  are  anything  but  suggestive  of  Babylo- 
nian origin.  The  regnal  years  of  the  eleven  reach 
the  respectable  number  of  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight.  The  problem  of  their  origin  is  complicated 
with  that  of  deciphering  the  word  (Uru-azagga  ?) 
descriptive  of  them  in  the  kings'  Hst.  Some  think 
that  it  points  to  a  quarter  of  the  city  of  Babylon. 
Others,  reading  it  Uru-kti,  see  in  it  the  name  of  the 
ancient  city  of  Uruk.  The  length  of  the  reigns  of  the 
several  kings  is  above  the  average,  and  suggests  peace 
and  prosperity  under  their  rule.  It  is  certainly 
strange  in  that  case  that  no  memorials  of  them  have 
as  yet  been  discovered,  —  a  fact  that  lends  some  plausi- 
bility to  the  theory  maintained  by  Hommel  that  this 
dynasty  was  contemporaneous  with  that  of  Kham- 
murabi  and  never  attained  significance. 

103.  The  third  dynasty,  as  recorded  on  the  kings' 
list,  consists  of  thirty-six  kings,  who  reigned  five  hun- 
dred seventy-six  years  and  nine  months  (about  1717- 
1110   B.  c).     About  these   kings  information,  while 


122  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

quite  extensive,  is  yet  so  fragmentary  as  to  render  ex- 
act and  organized  presentation  of  their  liistory  exceed- 
ingly difficult.     The  kings'  list  is-  badly  broken  in  the 
middle  of  the  dynasty,  so  that  only  the  first  six  and 
the  last  eleven  or  twelve  of  the  names  are  intact, 
leaving  thirteen  or  fourteen  to  be  otherwise  supplied 
and  the  order  of  succession  to  be  determined  from 
imperfect  and   inconclusive   data.      Only  one   royal 
inscription  of  some  length  exists,  that  of   a  certain 
Agum-kakrime  who  does  not  appear  on  the  dynastic 
list.     The  tablets  found  at  Nippur  by  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania's  expedition  have  added  several  names 
to  the  list  and  thrown  new  light  upon  the  history  of  the 
dynasty.     The  fragments  of  the  so-called  "Synchro- 
nistic History  "  (sect.  30)  cover,  in  part,  the  relations 
of  the  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  kings  of  this  age,  and 
the  recently  discovered  royal  Egyptian  archives  known 
as  the  Tel-el- Amarna  tablets  contain  letters  from  and 
to  seveml  of  them.     From  these  materials  it  is  pos- 
sible to  obtain  the  names  of  all  but  three  or  four  of  the 
missing  thirteen  or  fourteen  kings,  and  to  reach  some- 
thing like  a  general  knowledge  of  the  whole  period  and 
some  details  of  single.  i*eigns  and  epochs.     Yet  it  is 
evident  that  the  absence  of  some  royal  names  not  only 
makes  the  order  of  succession  in  the  dark  period  un- 
certain, but  throws  its  chronology  into  disorder.     Nor 
is  the  material  sufficient  to  remove  the  whole  age  from 
the  region  of  indefiniteness  as  to  the  aims  and  achieve- 
ments of  the  dynasty,  or  to  make  possible  a  grouping 
into   epochs   of   development   which   may   be    above 
criticism.     With  these  considerations  in  mind   it_is 
possible  roughly  to  divide  the  period  into  four  epochs: 
first,  the  beginnings   of  Kassite   rule ;    second^_the 


THE  KASSITE  PEOPLE  123 

appearance  of  Assyria  as  a  possible  rival  of  Kassite 
Babylonia ;  third,  the  .culmination  of  the  dynasty  and 
the  struggle  with  Ass^nriaj^fourth,  the  decline  and 
disappearance  of  the  Kassites. 

104.  Merely  a  glance  at  the  names  in  the  dynastic 
list  is  evidence  that  a  majority  of  them  are  of  a  non- 
Babylonian  character.  The  royal  inscriptions  prove 
beyond  doubt  that  the  dynasty  as  a  whole  was  foreign, 
and  its  domination  the  result  of  invasion  by  a  people 
called_Kashhus,  or,  to  use  a  more  conventional  name, 
the  Kassites.  They  belonged  to  the  eastern  mountains, 
occupying  the  high  valleys  from  the  borders  of  Elam 
northward,  living  partly  from  the  scanty  products  of 
tlie  soil  and  partly  by  plundering  travellers  and 
making  descents  upon  the  western  plain.  The  few 
fragments  of  their  language  which  survive  are  not 
sufficient  to  indicate  its  affinity  either  to  the  Elamite 
or  the  Median,  and  at  present  all  that  can  be  said  is 
that  they  formed  a  greater  or  lesser  division  of  that 
congeries  of  mountain  peoples  which,  without  unity  or 
common  name  and  language,  surged  back  and  forth 
over  the  mountain  wall  stretching  from  the  Caspian 
Sea  to  the  Persian  gulf.  Their  home  seems  to  have 
been  in  the  vicinity  of  those  few  mountain  passes 
which  lead  from  the  valley  up  to  the  table-land. 
Hence  they  were  brought  into  closer  relations  with 
the  trade  and  commerce  which  from  time  imme- 
morial had  used  these  passes,  and  thereby  they  were 
early  made  aware  of  the  civilization  and  wealth  of 
Babylonia, 

105.  Whether  driven  by  the  impulse  to  conquest, 
begotten  of  a  growing  knowledge  of  Babylonian 
weakness,  or  by  the  pressure  of  peoples  behind  and 


124  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

about  them,  the  Kassites  appear  at  an  early  day  to 
have  figured  in  the  annals  of  the  Babylonian  kingdom. 
In  the  ninth  year  of  Samsuiluna,  of  the  first  dynasty, 
they  were  invading  the  land.  This  doubtless  isolated 
invasion  was  repeated  in  the  following  years  until  by 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  B.  c,  they 
seem  to  have  gained  the  upper  hand  in  Babylomal 
Their  earlier  field  of  operations  seems  to  have  been  in 
the  south,  near  the  mouth  of  the  rivers.  Here  was 
Karduniash,  the  home  of  the  Kassites  in  Babylonia, 
a  name  subsequently  extended  over  all  the  land.  It 
is  not  improbable  that  a  Kassite  tribe  settled  here  in 
the  last  days  of  the  second  dynasty,  and,  assimilated, 
to  the  civilization  of  the  land,  was  later  reinforced  by 
larger  bands  of  the  same  people  displaced  from  the 
original  home  of  the  Kassites  by  pressure  from  behind, 
and  that  the  combined  forces  found  it  easy  to  over- 
spread and  gain  possession  of  the  whole  country. 
Such  a  supposition  is  in  harmony  with  the  evident 
predilection  of  the  Kassites  for  southern  Babylonia,  as 
weU  as  with  their  maintenance  of  authority  over  the 
regions  in  which  they  originally  had  their  home.  It 
also  explains  how,  very  soon  after  they  came  to^p^ower,^ 
they  were  hardly  to  be  distinguished  from  ihe  Semitic 
Babylonians  over  whom  they  ruled.  They  employed 
the  royal  titles,  worshipped  at  the  ancient  shrines, 
served  the  native  gods,  and  wrote  their  inscriptions 
in  the  Babylonian  language- 

106.  Of  the  six  kings  whose  names  appear  first  on 
the  dynastic  list  nothing  of  historical  importance  is 
known.  The  gap  that  ensues  in  that  list,  covering 
thirteen  or  fourteen  names,  is  filled  up  from  sources 
to  which  reference  has  already  been  made.     Agum- 


/  AGUMKAKRiME  125 

kakrime  (sect.  103),  whose  inscription  of  three 
hundred  and  thirty-eight  lines  is  the  most  important 
Kassite  document  as  yet  discovered,  probably  stands 
near  the  early  kings,  is  perhaps  the  seventh  in  order 
(about  1600  B.  c).  This  inscription,  preserved  in  an 
Assyrian  copy,  was  originally  deposited  in  the  temple 
at  Babylon,  and  describes  the  royal  achievements  on 
behalf  of  the  god  Marduk  and  his  divine  spouse 
Zarpanit.  The  king  first  proclaims  his  own  glory  by 
reciting  his  genealogy,  his  relation  to  the  gods  and 
his  royal  titles: 

I  am  Agumkakrime,  the  son  of  Tashshigurumash ;  the 
illustrious  descendan'E  of  god  Shuqamuna  ;  called  by  Anu 
and  Bel,  Ea  and  Marduk,  Sin  and  Shamash ;  the  power- 
ful hero  of  Ishtar,  the  warrior  among  the  goddesses. 

I  am  a  king  of  wisdom  and  prudence ;  a  king  who 
grants  hearing  and  pardon ;  the  son  of  Tashshigurumash ; 
the  descendant^  of  Abirumash,  the  crafty  warrior ;  the 
first  son  among  the  numerous  family  of  the  great  Agum ; 
an  illustrious,  royal  scion  who  holds  the  reins  of  the 
nation  (and  is)  a  mighty  shepherd.  ... 

I  am  king  of  the  country  of  Kashshu  and  of  the 
Akkadians ;  king  of  the  wide  country  of  Babylon,  who 
settles  the  numerous  people  in  Ashnunak ;  the  King 
of  Padan  and  Alman  ;  the  King  of  Gutium,  a  foolish 
nation  ;  (a  king)  who  makes  obedient  to  him  the  four 
regions,  and  has  always  been  a  favorite  of  the  great 
gods  (I.  1-42).  ^. 

107.  4^ii]BLkakrime  found,  on  taking  the  throne, 
that  the  images  of  Marduk  and  Zarpanit,  chief  deities 
of  the  city,  had  been  removed  from  the  temple  to  the 
land  of  Khani,  a  region  not  yet  definitely  located, 
but  presumably  in  northern„Mesopotainia,  and  pos- 


126  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

sibly  on  the  head-waters  of  the  Euphrates.  Thi« 
removal  took  place  probably  in  connection  with  an 
invasion  of  peoples  from  that  distant  region,  who 
were  subsequently  driven  out;  and  it. sheds  light^j^n 
the  weakened  and  disordered  condition  of  the  land 
at  the  time  of  the  appearance  of  the  Kassites.  The§e 
images  were  recovered  by  the  king,  either  through 
an  embassy  or  by  force  of  arms.  The  inscription  is 
indefinite  on  the  point,  but  the  wealth  of  the  king  as 
intimated  in  the  latter  part  of  the  inscription  would 
suggest  that  he  was  at  least  able  to  compel  the  surren- 
der of  them.  On  being  recovered  they  were  replaced 
in  their  temple,  which  was  renovated  and  splendidly 
furnished  for  their  reception.  Gold  and  precious 
stones  and  woods  were  employed  in  lavish  profusion 
for  the  adornment  of  the  persons  of  the  divine  pair 
and  the  decoration  of  their  abode.  Their  priesthoods 
were  revived,  the  service  re-established,  and  endow- 
ments provided  for  the  temple. 

108.  In  the  countries  enumerated  by  Agum- 
kakrime  as  under  his  sway  no  mention  is  made  of  a 
people  who  were  soon  to  exercise  a  commanding 
influence  upon  the  history  of  the  Kassite  dynasty. 
The  people  of  Assyria,  however,  although,  even 
before  that  time,  having  a  local  habitation  and  rulers, 
the  names  of  some  of  whom  have  come  down  in 
tradition,  could  hardly  have  been  independent  of  a 
king  who  claimed  authority  over  the  land  of  the 
Kassites  and  the  Guti,  Padan,  and  Alman,  —  districts 
which  lie  in  the  region  of  the  middle  and  upper 
Tigris,  or  on  the  slopes  of  the  eastern  mountains 
(Delitzsch,  Paradies,  p.  205).  According  to  the 
report  of  the  Synchronistic  History,  about  a  century 


ASSYRIAN  ORIGINS  127 

and  a  half  later  Assyria  was  capable  of  treating 
with  Babylonia  on  equal  terms,  but,  even  if  the 
opening  passages  of  that  document  (some  eleven 
lines)  had  been  preserved,  they  would  hardly  have 
indicated  such  relations  at  a  much  earlier  date.  The 
sudden  rise  of  Assyria,  therefore,  is  reasonably  ex- 
plained as  connected  with  the  greater  movement 
which  made  the  Kassites  supreme  in  Babylonia.    :j^        . 

109.  The  people  who  established  the  kingdom  of 
Assyria  exhibit,  in  language  and  customs  and  even  in 
physical  characteristics,  a  close  likeness  to  the  Baby- 
lonians. They  were,  therefore,  not  only  a  Semitic 
people,  but,  apparently,  also  of  Semitic-Babylonian 
stock.  The  most  natural  explanation  of  this  fact  is 
that  they  were  originally  a  Babylonian  colony.  They 
seem,  however,  to  be  of  even  purer  Semitic  blood  than 
their  Babylonian  ancestors,  and  some  scholars  have 
preferred  to  see  in  them  an  independent  offshoot  from 
the  original  Semitic  migration  into  the  Mesopotamian 
valley  (sect.  51).  If  that  be  so,  they  must  have  come 
very  early  under  Babylonian  influence  which  domi- 
nated the  essential  elements  of  their  civilization  and 
its  growth  down  to  their  latest  days.  The  earliest 
centre  of  their  organization  was  the  city  of  Assur  on 
the  west  bank  of  the  middle  Tigris  (lat.  n.  35°  30'), 
where  a  line  of  low  hills  begins  to  run  southward 
along  the  river.  Perched  on  the  outlying  northern 
spur  of  these  hills,  and  by  them  sheltered  from  the 
nomads  of  the  steppe  and  protected  by  the  broad 
river  in  front  from  the  raids  of  mountaineers  of  the 
east,  the  city  was  an  outpost  of  Babylonian  civiliza- 
tion and  a  station  on  the  natural  road  of  trade  with 
the  lands  of  the  upper  Tigris.     A  fertile  stretch  of 


128  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

alluvial  soil  in  the  vicinity  supplied  the  necessary 
agricultural  basis  of  life,  while,  a  few  miles  to  the 
north,  bitumen  springs  furnished,  as  on  the  Euphrates, 
an  article  of  commerce  and  an  indispensable  element 
of  building  (Layard,  Nineveh  and  its  Remains,  II. 
chap.  xii.).  The  god  of  the  city  was  Ashur,  "the 
good  one,"  and  from  him  the  city  received  its  name 
(Jastrow,  Rel.  of  Bab.  and  Assyria,  p.  196). 

110.  The  early  rulers  of  the  city  of  Assur  were 
patesis  (sect.  75),  viceroys  of  Babylonian  rulers. 
Some  of  their  names  have  come  down  in  tradition, 
as,  for  example,  those  of  Ishme  Dagan  and  his  son, 
Shamshi  Adad,  who  lived  according  to  Tiglathpileser 

•  I.  about  seven  hundred  years  before  himself  (that  is, 
about  1840-1800  B.C.).  Later  kings  of  Assyria  also 
refer  to  other  rulers  of  the  early  age  to  whom  they 
give  the  royal  title,  but  of  whom  nothing  further  is 
known.  The  first  mention  of  Assur  is  in  a  letter  of 
king  Khammurabi  of  the  first  dynasty  of  Babylon, 
who  seems  to  intimate  that  the  city  was  a  part  of  the 
Babylonian  Empire  (King,  Let.  and  Inscr.  of  H.,  III. 
p.  3).  In  the  darkness  that  covers  these  beginnings, 
the  viceroys  became  independent  of  Babylonia  and 
extended  their  authority  up  the  Tigris  to  Kalkhi, 
Arbela,  and  Nineveh,  cities  to  be  in  the  futur.e  cen- 
tres  of  the  Assyrian  Empire.  The  kingdom  of  A§§yria 
took  form  and  gathered  power. 

111.  The  physical  characteristics  of  this  region 
could  not  but  shape  the  activities  of  those  who  lived 
within  its  borders.  It  is  the  northeastern  corner  of 
Mesopotamia.  The  mountains  rise  in  the  rear ;  the 
Tigris  and  Mesopotamia  are  in  front.  The  chief  cities 
of  Assyria,  with  the  sole  exception  of  Assur,  lie  to 


RISE   OF  ASSYRIA  129 

the  east  of  the  great  river  and  on  the  narrow  shelf 
between  it  and  the  northeastern  mountain  ranges. 
They  who  live  there  must  needs  find  nature  less 
friendly  to  them  than  to  their  brethren  of  the  south. 
Agriculture  does  not  richly  reward  their  labors. 
They  learn,  by  struggling  with  the  wild  beasts  of 
the  hills  and  the  fierce  men  of  the  mountains,  the 
thirst  for  battle  and  the  joy  of  victory.  And  as  they 
grow  too  numerous  for  their  borders,  the  prospect, 
barred  to  the  east  and  north,  opens  invitingly  towards 
the  west  and  southwest*  Thus  the  Assyrian  found 
in  his  surroundings  the  encouragement  to  devote 
himself  to  war  and  to  the  chase  rather  than  to  the 
peaceful  pursuits  of  agriculture;  the  preparation  for 
military  achievement  on  a  scale  hitherto  unrealized. 

112.  It  is  not  difficult  to  conceive  how  the  Kassite 
conquest  of  Babylonia  profoundly  influenced  the  de- 
velopment of  Assyria.  The  city  of  Assur,  protected 
from  the  inroads  of  the  eastern  invaders  by  its  position 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Tigris,  became,  at  the  same 
time,  the  refuge  of  those  Babylonians  who  fled  before 
the  conquerors  as  they  overspread  the  land.  The 
Assyrian  community  was  thus  enabled  to  throw 
off  the  yoke  of  allegiance  to  the  mother  country,  now 
in  possession  of  foreigners,  and  to  establish  itself  as 
an  independent  kingdom.  Its  patesis  became  kings, 
and  began  to  cherish  ambitions  of  recovering  the 
home-land  from  the  grasp  of  the  enemy,  and  of  ex- 
tending their  sway  over  the  upper  Tigris  and  be- 
yond. It  is  not  unlikely  that  this  latter  endeavor 
was  at  least  partially  successful  during  the  early 
period  of  the  Kassite  rule.  It  is  certainly  signifi- 
cant that  Agumkakrime  does   not   mention  Assyria 

d 


130  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

among  the  districts  under  liij  sway  and  if,  as  has 
been  remarked  (sect.  108),  his  sphere  of  influence 
seems  to  include  it,  his  successors  were  soon  to  learn 
that  a  new  power  must  be  reckoned  with,  in  settling 
the  question  of  supremacy  on  the  middle  Tigris. 


n 


THE  EARLY  CONFLICTS  OF  BABYLONIA.  AND 
ASSYRIA.    1500-1150  B.C. 

113.  The  half  millennium  (2000-1500  B.C.),  that 
saw  the  decline  of  Old  Babylonia,  its  conquest  by  the 
Kassites  and  the  beginnings  of  the  kingdom  of 
Assyria,  had  been  also  a  period  of  transition  in  the 
rest  of  the  ancient  oriental  world.  In  Egypt  the 
quiet,  isolated  development  of  native  life  and  forces 
which  had  gone  on  unhindered  for  two  thousand  years 
and  had  produced  so  remarkable  a  civilization,  was 
broken  into  by  the  invasion  of  the  Hyksos,  Semitic 
nomads  from  Arabia,  who  held  the  primacy  of  power 
for  three  hundred  years  and  introduced  new  elements 
and  influences  into  the  historical  process.  In  the  re- 
gion lying  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile,  which 
in  the  absence  of  a  common  name  may  be  called 
Syria,  where  Babylonian  civilization,  sustained  from 
time  to  time  by  Babylonian  armies,  had  taken  deep 
root,  similar  changes,  though  less  clearly  attested  by 
definite  historical  memorials,  seem  to-  have  taken 
place.  The  Hyksos  movement  into  Egypt  could  not 
but  have  been  attended  with  disturbances  in  southern 
Syria,  reflected  perhaps  in  the  patriarchal  traditions 
of  the  Hebrews.  In  the  north,  peoples  from  the 
mountains  that  rim  the  upper  plateau  began  to  de- 
scend and  occupy  the  regions  to  the  east  a,nd  west  of 


132  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

the  head-waters  of  the  Euphrates,  thus  threatening 
the  security  of  the  highways  of  trade,  and,  conse- 
quently, Babylonian  authority  on  the  Mediterranean. 

114.  Had  the  Babylonian  kingdom  been  unham- 
pered, it  might  have  met  and  overcome  these  adverse 
influences  in  its  western  provinces  and  continued  its 
hegemony  over  the  peoples  of  Syria.  But  to  the 
inner  confusion  caused  by  the  presence  of  foreign 
rulers  was  added  the  antagonism  of  a  young  and 
vigorous  rival,  the  Assyrian  kingdom  on  the  upper 
Tigris.  Through  the  absorption  of  both  powers  in 
the  complications  that  ensued,  any  vigorous  move- 
ment toward  the  west  was  impossible,  It  was  from 
another  and  quite  unexpected  quarter  that  the  politi- 
cal situation  was  to  be  transformed.  In  Egypt  by 
the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  a  desperate 
struggle  of  the  native  element  against  the  ruling  Hyk- 
sos  began,  resulting,  as  the  century  drew  to  a  close,  in 
the  expulsion  of  the  foreigners.  Under  the  fresh  im- 
pulses aroused  by  this  victorious  struggle  the  nation 
entered  an  entirely  new  path  of  conquest.  The  Pha- 
raohs of  the  New  Empire  went  forth  to  win  Syria, 

115.  The  fifteenth  century  b.  c,  therefore,  marks 
a  turning-point  in  the  history  of  Western  Asia.  Th^ 
nations  that  had  hitherto  wrought  out  largely  by 
themselves  their  contributions  to  civilization  and 
progress  came  into  direct  political  relation  one  with 
another  in  that  middle  zone  between  tlie  Euphrates 
and  the  Nile,  which  was  henceforth  to  be  the  battle- 
ground of  their  armies  and  the  reward  of  i  their 
victories.  From  that  time  forth  the  politics  of  the 
kings  was  to  be  a  world-politics;  the  balance  of 
power  was  to  be  a  burning  question ;   international 


EGY^T  MISTRESS  OF  SYRIA  133 

diplomacj  came  into  being.  The  three  great  powers 
were  Egypt,  Assyria,  and  Babylonia.  Lesser  king- 
doms appeared  as  Egypt  advanced  into  the  East,  — 
JMitanni  in  northwestern  Mesopotamia,  whose  people 
used  the  cuneiform  script  to  express  a  language 
which  cannot  yet  be  understood,  Alasia  in  north- 
western Syria,  and  the  Hittites  just  rounding  into 
form  in  the  highlands  of  northeastern  Syria  and  des- 
tined to  play  so  brilliant  a  part,  if  at  present  a 
puzzling  one,  in  the  history  of  the  coming  centuries. 
At  first,  Egypt  carried  all  before  her.  Under  the 
successive  Pharaohs  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  her 
armies  passed  victoriously  up  and  down  along  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  and  even  crossed  the  Eu- 
phrates. All  Syria  became  an  Egyptian  province, 
paying  tribute  to  the  empire  of  the  Nile.  Egyptian 
civilization  was  dominant  throughout  the  whole 
region. 

116.  The  effect  of  this  Egyptian  predominance  in 
Syria  upon  the  kingdoms  of  the  Tigro-Euphrates 
valley  was  significant.  The  Egyptians  obtained  the 
monopoly  of  the  trade  of  its  new  provinces,  and  the 
eastern  kingdoms  were  cut  off*  They  were  crowded 
back  as  Egypt  pressed  forward.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  Assyria's  northern  movement  (sect.  112)  was  by 
this  pressure  forced  to  the  east,  and  therefore  the 
centre"bl  Assyrian  power  shifted  to  the  other  side  of 
the  Tigris  over  against  the  eastern  mountains.  The 
image  of  Ishtar,  goddess  of  Nineveh,  had  fallen  during 
this  time  into  the  hands  of  the  king  of  Mitanni,  who 
sent  it  to  Egypt  (Winckler,  Tel-el-Amarna  Letters, 
20).  The  pent  up  forces  of  the  two  peoples  declined 
and  exhausted  themselves  in  reviving  and  pursuing 


134  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

with  greater  intensity  and  persistence  the  struggle 
for  local  supremacy.  Assyria  was.  numbered  by 
Thutmose  III.  of  Egypt  (1480-1427  B.  c.)  among  his 
tributaries  for  two  years,  although  this  may  have  been 
little  more  than  a  vainglorious  boast,  arising  out  of  the 
endeavor  of  the  Assyrian  king  to  obtain  the  Egyptian 
alliance  by  means  of  gifts.  That  Egypt  was  courted 
by  both  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  rulers  is  testified 
to  by  the  archives  of  Amenhotep  IV.,  as  preserved  in 
the  Tel-el-Amarna  letters,  which  contain  communica- 
tions from  kings  of  both  nations  to  the  Pharaohs, 
intimating  that  these  negotiations  had  been  going  on 
for  half  a  century.  The  Pharaohs,  having  won  their 
provinces  in  Syria  by  force  of  arms,  were  willing  to 
maintain  possession  by  alliances  with  bordering  peoples 
whom  they  regarded  as  inferior,  even  while  treating 
with  them  on  the  conventional  terms  imposed  by 
the  diplomacy  of  the  time*  Thus  they  exchanged 
princesses  with  Mitanni,  Babylon,  and  Assyria,  and 
made  presents  of  gold,  the  receipt  of  which  the  kings 
of  these  lands  acknowledged  by  asking  for  more. 
Their  deferential  attitude  towai'd  Egypt,  hovrever, 
goes  somewhat  beyond  what  must  have  been  the 
diplomatic  courtesy  of  the  time,  and  shows  how  Egypt 
stood  as  arbiter  and  head  among  them.  A  perfect 
illustration  of  the  situation  is  given  in  the  following 
paragraph  from  a  letter  of  the  king  of  Babylon  to 
Amenhotep  IV.  of  Egypt : 

In  the  time  of  Kurigalzu,  my  father,  the  Canaanites  as 
a  body  sent  to  him  as  follows :  "  Against  the  frontier  of 
the  land,  let  us  march,  and  invade  it.  Let  us  make  an 
alliance  with  thee."  Then  my  father  sent  them  this 
(reply),  as  follows;  ''Cease  (trying)  to  form  an  ajUance 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS  135 

with  me.  If  you  cherish  hostility  against  the  king  of 
Egypt,  my  brother,  and  bind  yourselves  together  (with 
an  oath),  as  for  me,  shall  I  not  come  and  plunder  you  ? 
for  he  is  in  alliance  with  me."  My  father,  for  the 
^ke  of  thy  father,  did  not  heed  them.  Now,  (as  to)  the 
Assyrians,  my  own  subjects,  did  I  not  send  thee  (word) 
concerning  their  matters  ?  Why  has  (an  embassy)  entered 
thy  country  ?  If  thou  lovest  me,  let  them  have  no  good 
fortune.  Let  them  secure  no  (advantage)  whatever 
(ABL,  p.  221). 

While  Egypt  must  needs  be  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  Mesopotamian  states  in  order  to  keep  them  from 
interfering  in  Syria,  it  was  with  each  one  of  them  a 
vital  matter  to  gain  her  exclusive  alliance,  or  prevent 
any  other  of  them  from  securing  it. 

117.  In  these  conditions  of  world-politics,  the  com- 
plications between  the  rival  states  in  Mesopotamia, 
as  already  remarked,  were  increased  and  intensified. 
The  problem  of  a  boundary  line,  a  frequent  source  of 
trouble  between  nations,  occasioned  recurring  diffi- 
culties. -^  jjLaKwndask  for  Babylon  and  Ashur-bel-ni- 
sheshu  foFAs Syria  settled  it  (about  1450)  by  a  treaty 
(Synchr.  Hist.,  col.  I.  1-4).  The  same  procedure  was 
followed  about  half  a  century  later  by  the  Babylonian 
Burnaburyas  I.  (?)  and  the  Assyrian  Puzur-ashur  (Ibid., 
col.  I.  5-7).  Of  Kadashman  Bel  (Kallima  Sin),  who 
reigned  at  Bibylon  in  the  interval,  four  letters  to 
Amenhotep  III.  of  Egypt  are  preserved  in  the  Tel-el- 
Amarna  tablets,  together  with  one  from  the  Pharaoh  to 
him,  but  beyond  the  mention  of  exchanging  daugh- 
ters as  wives  they  contain  no  historical  facts  of  impor- 
tance. Kurigalzu  I.  (about  1380  B.  c),  the  son  and 
successor  of  Burnaburyas  (I.  ?  ),  is  mentioned  in  the 


136  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

same  collection  of  documents  as  on  good  terms  with 
Egypt,  but  no  record  remains  of  his  relations  with 
Assyria,  where  Ashur-nadin-akhi  ruled.  The  same  is 
true  9f  the  latter's  son,  Ashur-uballit  and  the  Baby- 
loniah  Burnaburyas  II.  (about  1350  B.  c),  son  of 
Kurigalzu  I.,  who  refers  to  his  rival  in  the  boastful 
terms  already  quoted  (sect.  116),  which,  however, 
must  be  interpreted  as  the  language  of  diplomacy. 
His  six  letters  to  the  Pharaoh  Amenhotep  IV.  are, 
otherwise,  historically  barren.  Ashuruballit,  "  the 
vassal,"  succeeded  in  maiTying  his  daughter  Mubal- 
litat-sirua  to  the  Babylonian  king's  son,  Karakhardash, 
who  followed  his  father  upon  the  throne  (about  1325 
B.  c).  The  two  kings  also  renewed  the  boundary 
treaty  of  their  fathers  (RP,  2  ser.  V.  p.  107,  and 
Winckler,  Alt.  Or.  Forsch.  I.,  ii.  pp.  115  f.).  Here  the 
first  stage  of  the  rivalry  may  be  said  to  close.  From 
a  position  of  insignificance  the  Assyrian  kingdom  had 
been  raised,  by  a  series  of  able  rulers,  to  an  equality 
with  Babylonia,  and  the  achievement  was  consum^ 
mated  by  the  union  of  the  royal  houses. 

118.  The  son  of  this  union~vadashman-kharbe, 
succeeded  his  father  on  the  Babylonian  throne  while 
his  grandfather,  Ashuruballit,  still  ruled  in  Assyria. 
To  him,  apparently,  a  Babylonian  chronicle  fragment 
ascribes  the  clearing  of  the  Euphrates  road  from  the 
raids  of  the  Bedouin  Suti,  and  the  building  of  fort- 
resses and  planting  of  colonies  in  Syria  (RP,  2  ser. 
v.,  and  Winckler,  AOF,  1.  c).  But  it  is  not  improb- 
able that,  if  done  by  him,  it  was  in  connection  with 
his  grandfather,  who,  in  his  letter  to  the  Pharaoh 
Amenhotep  IV.,  expressly  mentions  the  Suti  as  infest- 
ing the  roads  to  the  west,  evidently  the  trade  routes 


KURIGALZU  11  187 

of  the  upper  Mesopotamiaii  valley  (Winckler,  Tel-el- 
Amarna  Letters,  pp.  30  f.).  This  close  relation  to 
Assyria  was  not  pleasing  to  the  Kassite  nobles,  who 
rebelled  against  their  king,  killed  him,  and  set  a  cer- 
tain Suzigas,  or  Nazibugas,  upon  the  throne.  But 
the  aged  Ashuruballit  hastened  to  avenge  his  grand- 
son, marched  into  Babylonia,  and  put  the  usurper  to 
death.  In  his  stead  he  placed  on  the  throne  the  son 
of  Kadashman-kharbe  a^Kurigalzu  II.,  who,  called 
the  "  young  "  one,  was  evidently  still  a  child.  With 
this  agrees  the  probable  reading  of  the  years  of  his 
reign  as  fifty-five  upon  the  kings'  list.  He  must  at 
first  have  reigned  under  the  tutelage  of  Ashuruballit, 
who,  however,  could  not  have  lived  long  after  his 
great-grandson's  accession,  The  Assyrian  throne  was 
taken  by  his  son  Bel-nirari,  who  was  followed  by  his 
son  Pudi-ilu.  Kurigalzu  outlived  both  these  kings, 
and  saw  Pudi-ilu's  son,  Adad-nirari  I.,  succeed  his 
father.  The  Babylonian  king  seems  not  to  have 
altered  his  friendly  attitude  towaid  Assyria  during 
the  reigns  of  the  first  two  kings.  He  waged  a  bril- 
liantly successful  war  with  the  Elamites,  captured 
their  king  Khurba-tila  with  his  own  hands,  sacked 
Susa,  his  capital,  and  brought  back  great  spoil.  At 
Nippur  he  offered  to  the  goddess  of  the  shrine  an 
agate  tablet  which,  after  having  been  given  to  Ishtar 
of  Uruk  in  honor  of  Dungi  of  Ur  more  than  a  thou- 
sand years  before,  had  been  carried  away  to  Elam  in 
the  Elamite  invasion  of  the  third  millennium  and  was 
now  returned  to  its  Babylonian  home.  In  his  last 
years  the  king  came  into  conflict  with  Adadnirari  I.  of 
Assyria.  Was  it  owing  to  the  ambition  of  a  young 
and  vigorous  ruler  who  hoped  to  get  the  better  of  his 


188  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

aged  rival?  Or  was  it  the  Babylqman^s__growing 
distrust  of  the  power  of  Assyria,  which,  under  one  of 
the  kings  of  his  time,  Belnirari,  had  attacked  and 
overthrown  the  Kassites  in  their  ancestral  home  to 
the  east  of  the  Tigris  ?  Whatever  was  the  occasion, 
the  two  armies  met,  and  the  Assyrian  was  completely 
defeated  (RP,  2  ser.  V.  pp.  109  ff.,  cfnrvn^~2g; 
Winckler,  AOF,  p.  122).  A_  readjustment  of  boun- 
daries followed.  Kurigalzu  II.  was  an  industrious 
builder.  Whether  the  citadel  of  Dur  Kurigalzu, 
which  lay  as  a  bulwark  on  the  northern  border  of 
the  Babylonian  plain,  was  built  by  him  or  his  prede- 
cessor, the  first  of  the  name,  is  uncertain.  The  same 
confusion  attaches  to  most  of  the  Kurigalzu  inscrip- 
tions, though  the  probabilities  are  in  favor  of  ascrib- 
ing the  majority  of  them  to  Kurigalzu  II.  The  temples 
at  Ur  and  Nippur  were  rebuilt  by  him  as  well  as  that 
of  Agade.  A  statement  of  the  Babylonian  chronicle 
suggests  that  he  was  the  first  Kassite  king  who 
favored  Babylon  and  its^  god  Marduk,  He  gives 
himself  in  his  inscriptions,  among  other  titles,  that  of 
"  Viceroy  of  the  god  Bel "  and  may  well  be  that 
Kurigalzu  whom  a  later  ruler,  in  claiming  descent 
from  him,  proudly  calls  the  ''  incomparable  king " 
(sharru  la  sanaan). 

119.  The  period  of  peace  with  the  Kassite  rulers  of 
Babylonia  had  been  improved  by  the  Assyrian  kings 
in  extending  their  boundaries  toward  the  north  and 
east.  An  inscription  of  Adadnirari  I.  (KB,  I.  4fi;.) 
ascribes  the  beginning  of  this  forward  movement  to 
his  great-grandfather,  Ashuruballit,  wlio  conquered 
the  Subari  on  the  upper  Tigris^  Belnirari  and 
Pudi-ilu  campaigned  in  the  east  and  southeast  in  the 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  KHATTl  139 

well-watered  region  between  the  river  and  the 
mountains,  where  dwelt  the  Kuti,  the  Suti,  the  Kassi, 
and  other  peoples  of  the  mountain  and  the  steppe, 
down  to  the  borders  of  Elam.  Adadnirari  I.  con- 
tinued the  advance  by  subduing  the  Lulumi  in  the 
east,  but  his  defeat  by  Kurigalzu  II.  cost  him  the 
southern  conquests  of  his  predecessors,  as  the  boun- 
dary-line established  after  the  battle  (Syn.  Hist.,  col.  I. 
21-23)  and  the  silence  of  his  own  inscription  indi- 
"cate.  However,  he  strengthened  Assyria's  hold  on 
the  other  peoples  by  planting  cities  among  them. 
When  Kurigalzu  II.  was  succeeded  in  Babylonia  by 
his  son  Nazi-maruttash,  the  Assyrian  king  tried  the 
fortune  of  battle  with  him,  and  this  time  apparently 
with  greater  success,  although  the  new  boundaries 
agreed  upon  seem  very  little  different  from  those  in 
the  time  of  Kurigalzu  II.  (Syn.  Hist.,  col.  I.  24-31). 
120.  Under  Adadnirari's  son,  Shalmaneser  I.  (about 
1300  ?),  Assyria  began  to  push  westward.  The  dec- 
ades that  had  passed  since  the  correspondence  be- 
tween the  Amenhoteps  of  Egypt  and  the  kings  of 
Assyria  and  Babylonia  had  witnessed  a  great  change 
in  the  political  relations  of  Egypt  and  Syria.  A 
people  which  in  the  fifteenth  century  was  just  ap- 
pearing in  northern  Syria,  the  Khatti  (Hittites),  had 
pushed  down  and  overspread  the  land  to  the  borders 
of  Palestine.  The  eighteenth  Egyptian  dynasty  had 
disappeared,  and  the  nineteenth,  which  had  succeeded, 
found  the  Khatti  invincible.  Eamses  II.,  the  fourth  .q  4 
Pharaoh  of  that  dynasty,  made  a  treaty  of  peace  with  \^ 
them,  wherein  he  renounced  all  Egyptian  provinces  ^^ 
north  of  Palestine.  With  the  pressure  thus  removed 
from  northern  Mesopotamia,  Assyria  was  free  to  move 


140  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

in  this  the  natural  direction  of  her  expansion.  It  was 
a  turning-point  in  the  world's  history  when  this  nation 
set  its  face  toward  the  west.  Shalmaneser  followed 
up  the  Tigris,  crossed  its  upper  waters,  planted 
Assyrian  outposts  among  the  tribes,  and  marched 
along  the  southern  spurs  of  the  mountains  to  the 
head-waters  of  the  Euphrates^  The  chief  peoples 
conquered  by  him  were  the  Arami,  by  whom  are  to 
be  understood  the  Arameans  of  western  Mesopotamia, 
and  the  Mugri^  concerning  whose  position  little  is 
known  unless  they  are  the  people  of  that  name  living 
in  northern  Syria^  In  this  case  Shalmaneser  was 
the  first  Assyrian  king  to  carry  the  Assyrian  arms 
across  the  Euphrates.  The  large  additions  to 
Assyria's  territoiy  on  all  sides  thus  made  probably 
lay  at  the  bottom  of  Shalmaneser's  transfer  of  the 
seat  of  his  administration  from  the  ancient  city  of 
Assur  to  Kalkhi  (Calah),  forty  miles  to  the  north, 
and  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Tigris  just  above  the 
point  where  the  upper  Zab  empties  into  the-  great 
river.  The  strategic  advantages  of  the  site  are 
obvious,  —  the  protection  offered  by  the  Zab  and  the 
Tigris,  the  more  central  location  and  the  greater  acces- 
sibility from  all  parts  of  the  now  much  enlarged  state. 
Here  the  king  built  his  city,  which  testified  to  the 
sagacity  of  its  founder  by  remaining  one  of  the  great 
centres  of  Assyrian  life  down  to  the  end  of  the 
empire.  The  title  of  Shar  Kishshate^  "king  of  the 
world,"  which  he  and  his  father  Adadnirari  were 
the  first  Assyrian  kings  to  claim,  is  a  testimony  both 
of  their  greatness  and  of  the  consciousness  of  national 
enlargement  which  their  work  produced. 

121.  Of    the   Kassite  kings  who   held   Babylonia 


TUKULTI  NINIB  LORD  OF  BABYLON  141 

duiing  these  years  little  is  known  beyond  their  names 
and  regnal  years  (sect.  103).  An  uncertain  passage 
on  the  broken  Ashur-nagir-pal  (?)  obelisk  seems  to 
refer  to  a  hostile  meeting  between  Kadashman-burias 
and  Shalmaneser  I.  of  Assyria  (Hommel,  GBA, 
p.  437).  A  much  more  important  contest  was  that 
between  Shalmaneser's  son,  Tukulti  Ninib  (about 
1250)  and  the  Kassite  rulers.  From  fragments  of  a 
Babylonian  chronicle  (RP,  2  ser.  Y.  p^ll),  it  is 
clear  that  the  Assyrian  king  entered  Babylonia,  and 
for  seven  years  held  the  throne  against  all  comers, 
defeating  and  overthrowing,  it  is  probable,  four 
Babylonian  kings  who  successively  sought  to  main- 
tain their  rights  against  him.  At  last,  owing  perhaps 
to  the  dissatisfaction  felt  in  Assyria  at  the  king's 
evident  preference  for  governing  his  kingdom  from 
Babylonia,  Tukulti  Ninib  was  himself  murdered  by  a 
conspiracy  headed  by  his  own  son  AshurnaQirpal. 
Here  the  second  stage  of  the  struggle  may  be  said  to 
terminate.  It  had  been  accompanied  by  a  remarkable 
development  of  Assyria  which  brought  the  state, 
though  hardly  yet  of  age,  to  a  position  of  power  that 
culminated  in  the  humiliation  and  temporary  sub- 
jection of  her  rival  under  Assyrian  rule.  During  the 
reign  of  Tukulti  Ninib  Assyria  was  the  mistress  of 
the  entire  Tigro-Euphrates  valley  from  the  mountains 
to  the  Persian  gulf. 

122.  During  these  evil  years  Babylonia  had  suffered 
from  Elamite  inroads  (RP,  2  ser.  V.  pp.  Ill  f.)  as 
well  as  borne  the  yoke  of  the  Assyrian.  But  the 
murder  of  Tukulti  Ninib  gave  the  opportunity  for  a 
new  and  successful  rebellion  which  placed  Adad-shum- 
U9ur  (Adad-nadin-akhi)  upon  the  throne.     He  ruled, 


142  BABYLONIA  AND   ASSYRIA 

according  to  the  kings'  list,  for  thirty  years.  Under 
him  and  his  successors,  Mili-shikhuand  Marduk-bal- 
iddin  I.  (about  1150  B.  c),  a  sudden  and  splendid 
uplift  was  given  to  Babjdonia's  fortunes.  If  the  hints 
contained  in  the  fragmentary  sources  are  correctly 
understood,  it  appears  that,  toward  the  close  of  the 
reign  of  Adadshumu^ur,  he  was  attacked  by  the 
Assyrian  king  Bel-kudur-u^ur.  The  battle  resulted 
in  a  victor^for  the  Babylonians,  but  both  kings  were 
killed.  The  Assyrian  general,  Ninib-apal-ekur,  possi- 
bly a  son  of  the  king,  withdrew  his  forces,  and,  pressed 
hard  by  Milishikhu,  the  son  and  successor  of  the  Baby- 
lonian king,  shut  himself  up  in  the  city  of  Assur, 
apparently  his  capital  rather  than  Kalkhi,  where 
he  was  able  to  beat  off  the  enemy.  He  succeeded  to 
the  Assyrian  throne,  but  with  the  loss  of  Assyrian 
prestige  and  authority  in  the  Mesopotamian  valley. 
For  twenty-eight  years,  during  the  reigns  of  Milishikhu^ 
and  his  son  Mardukbaliddin,  Babylonia  was  suprAiie. 
The  latter  king  assumed  the  title  borne  by  Shalma- 
neser  I.  of  Assyria,  "  King  of  the  World,"  which 
implied,  if  Wincklerls  understanding  of  the  title  is  to 
be  accepted  (sect.  51),  authority  over  northern  Meso- 
potamia between  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  Be  that 
as  it  may,  this  brilliant  outburst  of  Kassite  Babylonia 
was  transient.  Zamaraa-shum-iddin,  the,  successor  of 
Mardukbaliddin,  was  attacked  and  worstacLb^L^&hur- 
dan  of  Assyria,  son  of  Ninib-apal-ekur.  Within  three 
years  his  successor,  Bel-shum-iddin,  was .  detlirojied, 
and  the  Kassite  dynasty  of  Babylonia  came  to.aiLjend 
after  nearly  six  centuries  of  power  (about  1140  b.  c). 


in 

CIVILIZATION  AND  CULTURE  IN  THE  KASSITE  PERIOD 

123.  The  earliest  and  by  no  means  the  least  im- 
pressive instance  of  the  power  of  civilization  to 
dominate  a  rude  people  and  mould  them  to  its  will  is 
furnished  in  the  relations  of  Babylonia  to  the  Kassites. 
Tribes,  vigorous  and  wild,  hitherto  possessing  but 
slight  traces  of  organization  and  culture,  descended 
from  the  hills  upon  a  region  in  which  dwelt  a  nation 
of  high  social  and  political  development,  possessing 
a  long  history  of  achievements  in  culture,  distin- 
guished for  the  peaceful  acquisitions  of  w^ealth  and 
the  enjoyment  jo£^the.  refinements  of  civilization.  The 
outcome,  it  might  seem,  was  likely  to  be  the  over- 
throw of  the  political  structure,  and  the  disappearance 
of  the  high  attainment  in  science  and  the  arts  of 
life,  reached  by  slow  stages  through  two  thousand 
years,  to  be  followed  by  a  painful  rebuilding  of  the 
political  and  social  edifice  on  new  foundations.  In 
reality  the  very  opposite  of  this  took  place.  The 
splendid  work  of  Babylonian  civilization  stood  intact ; 
the  conquerors  entered  into  the  inheritance  of  its 
traditions  and  achievements,  and  within  a  century 
were  found  laboring  for  its  advancement  and  perfec- 
tion. The  Kassites  were  absorbed  into  the  Babylo- 
nian life  without  a  struggle.  They  even  lost  all 
attachment  to  the  mountain  homes  whence  they  came 


144  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

and  to  the  peoples  from  which  they  sprang,  and  per- 
mitted them,  at  last,  to  pass  into  the  possession  of 
Assyria. 

124.  The  Kassite  regime  was  not,  however,  without 
its  influence  upon  Babylonian  history  and  life.  The 
direct  contributions  of  purely  Kassite  elements  were, 
indeed,  few.  Some  words  enriched  the  language ;  the 
new  speech  became  a  dialect  which  must  be  mastered 
by  the  scholars;  some  cults  of  Kassite  gods  were 
established  and  remained.  A  new  racial  ingredient 
was  poured  into  the  already  varied  complex  which 
made  up  the  Babylonian  people,  —  an  ingredient  not 
without  value  in  infusing  fresh  and  vigorous  elements 
into  the  doubtless  somewhat  enfeebled  stock.  For 
the  incoming  of  the  invaders  was  sufficient  evi- 
dence that  the  native  population  was  no  longer  able 
to  defend  itself  against  assaults,  and  the  service  of 
Agumkakrime,  of  which  he  boasts  in  his  inscrip- 
tion (sect.  106),  is  an  example  of  what  the  Kassites 
were  to  do  for  Babylonia.  That  such  a  work  was 
not  only  necessary  but  appreciated  by  the  nation  is 
abundantly  proved  by  the  length  of  time  during 
which  the  Kassite  kings  sat  upon  the  throne,  in 
spite  of  the  difficulties  which  encompassed  them. 

125.  Not  as  Kassite  but  as  Babylonian  kings,  there- 
fore, did  these  rulers  contribute  to  the  development 
of  the  land  between  the  rivers.  Entering  into  the 
heritage  of  preceding  dynasties,  they  ruled  like  them 
in  accordance  with  Babylonian  precedent,  and  in 
many  respects  were  worthy  of  the  succession.  In 
one  thing  they  surpassed  their  predecessors;  they 
gave  to  Babylonia  a  common  name.  Up  to  their 
time,   the   kings    had   been   rulers    of   cities   whose 


BABYLONIAN  UNIFICATION  345 

authority  extended  over  districts  round  about,  a  state 
of  things  true  even  of  the  age  of  Khammurabi,  when 
all  the  land  was  united  under  the  sway  of  the  city- 
state  of  Babylon.  Yet  these  foreign  conquerors  were 
able  to  succeed  where  that  great  king  had  failed. 
They  called  themselves  kings  of  Karduniash.  Tliis 
name  was  not  that  of  a  city,  and  while  it  was  at  lirst 
attached  to  one  of  the  southern  districts  (sect  105), 
soon  came  to  be  applied  to  the  whole  country,  so 
that,  when  later  kings  of  Assyria  would  assert  their 
lordship  over  their  ancestral  enemy  in  the  south,  they 
proudly  assumed  the  old  Kassite  designation  "  King 
of  Karduniash."  This  achievement  was  significant  of 
the  new  unity  attained  under  this  dynasty.  Reference 
has  alread}^  been  made  (sect.  100)  to  the  religious 
policy  which  guided  the  unifiers  of  Babylonia  in  the 
days  of  Khammurabi.  It  centred  in  the  exaltation  of 
the  city-god  Marduk  of  Babylon,  and  the  systematic 
abasement  of  the  other  religious  shrines,  particularly 
that  of  Nippur.  But  in  this  period  that  very  temple 
of  Bel  at  Nippur  seems  to  have  returned  to  promi- 
nence and  its  god  received  high  honor.  The  Ameri- 
can explorers  on  that  site  note  that  one  of  the 
Kurigalzus  rebuilt  the  ancient  ziggurat,  another  Kas- 
site king  ''built  the  great  structure  containing  the 
Court  of  Columns,"  and  the  memorials  of  this  dynasty, 
in  the  shape  of  votive  offerings  and  temple  archives, 
are  the  characteristic  and  dominating  element  among 
the  objects  unearthed  on  the  site  (Peters,  Nippur, 
11.  p.  259  and  passim).  Moreover,  among  the  few 
Kassite  inscriptions  found  elsewhere,  are  records  of 
temple-building  at  other  points.  Kara-indash  built 
at  Uruk,  Burnaburyash  at  Larsam,  and  Kurigalzu  at 

10 


146  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

Larsam  and  Ur.  These  facts  have  led  to  the  infer- 
ence that  the  Kassites  represented  a  reaction  from  the 
systematic  glorification  of  Marduk  of  Babylon  as 
god  of  gods,  in  favor  of  the  older  deities  and  the 
provincial  shrines,  and  that  this  attitude  illustrates 
their  general  position  in  opposition  to  the  policy  of 
Khammurabi,  whereby  they  favored  the  people  of  the 
country  at  large  as  over  against  the  capital  city, 
Babylon.  It  is  true  that  Agumkakrime's  inscription 
is  largely  occupied  with  his  services  to  the  temple  of 
Marduk,  and  that  the  other  kings  seem  to  have  con- 
tinued to  dwell  at  Babylon,  but  these  facts  do  not 
deter  an  eminent  scholar  from  summing  up  the  contri- 
bution of  the  Kassite  dynasty  to  the  development  of 
Babylonia  in  these  words :  "  By  restoring  the  former 
glory  of  Ekur,  the  ancient  national  sanctuary  in 
Nippur,  so  deeply  rooted  in  the  hearts  of  the  Babylo- 
nian people,  and  by  stepping  forward  as  the  champions 
of  the  sacred  rights  of  the  'father  of  the  gods,'  they 
were  able  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  and  a  final 
melting  together  of  the  Kassite  and  Semitic  elements  " 
(Hilprecht,  OBT,  I.  i.  p.  31). 

126.  The  civilization  of  Karduniash  —  to  use  the 
name  characteristic  of  this  age  —  was,  in  the  Kassite 
period,  influenced  as  never  before  by  intemationalj'e- 
lations.  The  great  nations  had  come  into  intimate 
communication  with  one  another,  and  their  intercourse 
demanded  a  code  of  customs  for  its  proper  regulation. 
Hence  came  the  beginnings  of  international  law.  The 
first  treaty  known  to  history  belongs  to  this  period,  — 
that  of  the  Pharaoh  Ramesos  IT.  with  tlie  king  of  the 
Hittites,  containing  the  famous  so-called  "  extradition  " 
clause.     Hints  of  a  kind  of  compact  between  Babylo- 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS  147 

nian  kings  and  the  Pharaohs  are  given  in  the  Tel-el- 
Amarna  letters.  We  hear  now  for  the  first  time  of 
the  *'  brotherhood  of  nations."  "  First  estiiblish  good 
brotherhood  between  us  "  are  words  contained  in  a 
letter  of  Amenhotep  III.  to  Kadashman  Bel  (Winck- 
ler,  TAL,  letter  1).  Ambassadors  pass  to  and  fro 
between  the  courts  on  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile. 
They  carry  safe-conducts  for  passage  through  tlie 
Egyptian  provinces  of  Syria.  Their  persons  are  sa- 
cred, and  the  king  in  whose  provinces  an  insult  has 
been  offered  to  them  must  punish  the  offender.  Be- 
tween the  royal  personages  who  figure  in  these  letters, 
it  has  been  thought  that  the  relations  were  something 
more  than  formal,  and  the  message  of  a  Mitannian 
king  to  Amenhotep  IV.  on  hearing  of  the  death  of 
his  father,  has  a  pathetic  ring:  "Never  did  Nimmu- 
riya,  your  father,  break  his  promises — I  have  mourned 
for  him  deeply,  and  when  he  died,  I  wished  to  die  my- 
self !  May  he,  whom  I  loved,  live  with  God  "  (Tiele- 
Western  Asia,  p.  12). 

127.  The  influence  of  Egypt  upon  the  life  of  the 
Babylonians,  resulting  from  this  enlarged  intercourse, 
cannot  be  followed  into  detail  with  any  materials  at 
present  available.  Medical  science  may  have  been 
improved.  One  might  expect  that  religion  would 
have  been  affected.  The  dogma  of  the  divinity  of 
the  Pharaoh  might  be  regarded  as  likely  to  emphasize 
and  encourage  claims  of  the  Babylonian  kings  for  like 
honors  not  unknown  in  the  past  (sect.  75)  ;  yet  not 
only  is  no  evidence  presented  for  this,  but  it  is  even 
maintained  that  the  Kassite  kings  definitely  set  aside 
the  remnants  of  the  Babylonian  usage  in  the  case,  and 
regarded  themselves  as  delegates  and  representatives 


148  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

of  the  gods  of  whom  they  were  the  adopted  sons 
(Sayce,  BA,  p.  171).  In  the  sphere  of  trade  and 
commerce  the  influence  of  Egypt  was  unmistakable 
and  far  reaching.  No  doubt,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
advance  of  Egypt  into  Asia  and  throughout  her  dom- 
ination of  Syria,  Babylonian  commerce  with  the  west 
suffered,  and  was  at  times  entirely  cut  off.  But  the 
traders  on  the  Euphrates  directed  their  energies  only 
the  more  toward  opening  and  developing  new  markets 
in  the  north  and  east.  According  to  testimony  drawn 
from  the  "  finds  "  at  Nippur,  they  brought  gypsum 
from  Mesopotamia,  marble  and  limestone  from  the 
Persian  mountains,  cedar  and  cypress  from  the  Za- 
gros,  lapis  lazuli  from  Bactria,  and  cobalt  for  coloring 
material,  "  presumably  "  from  China  (Peters,  Nippur, 
II.  p.  134).  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  eastern 
affinities  of  the  Kassite  kings  assisted  the  develop- 
ment  of  trade  in  this  direction.  On  the  other  hand, 
when  with  some  possible  restrictions  commerce  was 
revived  with  the  Egyptian  provinces  of  Syria  under 
royal  agreements,  the  unification  of  these  regions 
under  one  authority  gave  at  that  time,  as  often 
later,  a  substantial  stimulus  to  trade  both  in  its  se- 
curity and  its  extent.  This  fact  is  proved  by  the 
striking  discovery  at  Nippur  of  votive  offerings  of 
magnesite,  which  must  have  been  brought  for  the 
Kassite  kings  from  the  island  of  Euboea  (Nippur, 
ibid.').  Egypt  itself  had,  in  its  Nubian  mines,  the 
pre-eminent  source  of  gold  for  the  oriental  world, 
and  the  letters  of  the  eastern  kings  to  their  breth- 
ren the  Pharaohs  are  full  of  requests  for  gifts  of 
more  of  the  precious  metal  and  of  better  quality, 
for  which  they  send  in  return  lapis  lazuli,  enamel, 


INDUSTRY   AND   ART  149 

horses    and    chariots,    slaves,   costly   furniture,   and 
works  of  art. 

128.  From  the  facts  already  stated  it  is  clear  that 
Karduniash  flourished  under  its  Kassite  rulers.  In- 
dustry was  active.  Manufacturing  was  represented 
not  only  by  the  objects  already  enumerated  as  gifts 
to  the  Pharaohs,  but  by  a  multitude  of  materials 
found  at  Nippur  and  mentioned  in  the  royal  in- 
scriptions. Among  the  former  were  the  ornamental 
axe-heads.  These  analysis  has  disclosed  to  be  made 
of  glass  colored  with  cobalt  and  copper  and  resembhng 
in  character  "  the  famous  Venetian  glass  of  the  four- 
teenth century  A.  D.,"  moulded  probably  by  Phoenician 
artists  employed  at  the  temple  (Nippur,  II.  p.  134) 
Agumkakrime's  description  of  his  rehabilitation  of 
the  deities  Marduk  and  Zarpanit  of  Babylon  gives 
a  picture  of  the  superabounding  wealth  of  the  king, 
who  clothes  the  images  of  the  deities  with  gold- 
embroidered  robes,  heavy  with  jewels,  and  houses  them 
in  a  cella  of  cedar  and  cypress  woods  made  by  cun- 
ning workmen,  its  doors  banded  with  bronze,  and 
its  walls  lined  with  strange  carved  animal  figures. 
Unfortunately,  no  large  sculptures  of  these  kings 
have  yet  been  discovered,  nor  do  the  remains  of  the 
Nippur  temple  ascribed  to  them  afford  any  judgment 
as  to  the  architecture  of  the  time.  The  so-called 
boundary  stones  of  Milishikhu  and  Mardukbaliddin  I., 
carved  with  rude  representations  of  animals  and  of  the 
heavenly  bodies,  symbols  of  uncertain  significance, 
were  probably  the  work  of  provincial  artists  (Smith, 
AD,  pp.  236  ff.).  It  is  strange  that  these  stones  are 
the  chief  evidence  for  the  legal  element  in  the  life  of 
the  time.     The  inscription  on  that  of  Mardukbaliddin 


150  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

I.  conveys  a  tract  of  land  to  one  of  his  officials  as  a 
reward.  The  boundaries  of  the  tract  are  carefully 
stated,  the  ancestry  of  the  beneficiary  is  traced  to  the 
fifth  generation,  witnesses  are  named,  and  curses  are 
invoked  upon  all  who  in  the  future  may  interfere 
with  this  award.  Excavations  yet  to  be  made  on 
temple  sites  like  that  of  Nippur  will  probably  reveal 
in  sufficient  abundance  the  deeds,  contracts,  and 
other  documents  which  were  indispensable  in  so 
active  and  enterprising  a  commercial  and  industrial 
community  as  was  Babylonia  in  those  days.  A 
similar  silence  broods  over  the  literature.  Beyond 
the  few  royal  inscriptions  and  letters  already  suffi- 
ciently described,  no  evidence  exists  to  show  either 
that  the  masterpieces  of  old  were  studied  or  that 
new  works  were  being  produced.  This  gap  in  our 
knowledge  will  also  sometime  be  filled. 

129.  If  the  successful  seizure  of  the  Babylonian 
throne  by  the  Kassites  had  given  a  mighty  impetus  to 
the  development  of  Assyria  as  an  independent  kingdom 
(sect.  112),  their  continued  possession  of  Babylonia 
affected  deeply  the  history  of  the  northern  people. 
The  Assyrians  were  not  thereby  alienated  from  the 
civilization  of  the  south,  for  this  had  already  been 
wrought  too  deeply  into  the  structure  of  their  body 
politic.  It  is  maintained,  indeed,  that  tlie  Assyrian 
cuneiform  script  of  the  time  tends  to  resemble  the 
north  Mesopotamian  forms  rather  than  the  Babylonian 
(Winckler,  GBA,  p.  165);  but  in  all  that  may  be 
regarded  as  fundamental  in  a  people's  culture  Assyria 
remained  in  Babylonian  leading-strings.  The  sur- 
prising thing  is  that,  as  time  wore  on,  the  hostility 
between  the  Kassite  and  Assyrian  rulers  did  not  re- 


ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  OF  ASSYRIA  151 

lax,  nor  did  it  yield  even  when  all  interests  were  in 
favor  of  peace.  The  facts  seem  to  show  that  the 
primary  part  in  this  aggressive  activity  was  taken  by 
Assyria.  In  other  words,  it  became  the  settled  policy 
of  the  northern  state  to  strive  for  the  possession  of 
Babylonia,  even  when  the  actual  Kassite  element  had 
long  been  absorbed  into  the  Semitic  Babylonian. 
The  mere  lust  of  conquest  will  not  explain  this 
persistence.  It  must  have  its  ground  in  the  political 
or  economic  conditions  of  the  state.  The  original 
Assyria  (sect.  Ill)  had  neither  a  natural  frontier 
nor  sufficient  arable  land  to  protect  and  sustain  a 
nation.  Hence  the  people,  if  they  were  not  constantly 
to  stand  on  guard,  must  expand  until  a  natural  bar- 
rier was  met;  they  must  also  reach  out  to  control 
the  only  other  source  of  wealth  in  the  ancient  world, 
commerce.  In  the  wa}^  of  the  attainment  of  both 
these  objects  stood,  primarily,  Babylonia.  The  Baby- 
lonian war  was,  therefore,  a  vital  condition  of  As- 
syria's progress.  Other  motives  may  have  entered  in, 
—  the  feeling  that  the  south  was  the  home-land,  the 
seat  of  religion  and  culture,  and  therefore  must  be 
recovered.  Nor  is  it  unlikely  that  there  was  in 
Babylonia  itself  a  longing  for  union  with  Assyria, 
and  consequently  a  pro-Assyrian  party,  always  ready 
to  encourage  interference  from  the  north.  Yet  the 
deeper  motive  is  that  first  mentioned. 

130.  The  fateful  influence  of  this  course  into 
which  Assyria  was  drawn  was  to  intensify  a  military 
bent  already  sufficiently  encouraged  by  physical 
surroundings.  The  king  became  the  warrior,  the 
defender  of  his  people  from  wild  beasts  and  from 
human  enemies,  the  leader  of  an  army.     "  He  breaks 


152  BABYLONIA   AND    ASSYRIA 

in  pieces  the  mass  of  his  foes,  he  tramples  down  their 
countries,"  "  he  scatters  their  armies  "  —  are  phrases 
of  Adadnirari  I.  in  his  own  inscription.  The  gods 
were  those  representing  the  fierce,  wild  elements  of 
nature,  as  Adad  (Ramman),  the  god  of  the  storm,  the 
wind,  and  the  rain,  or  Ishtar,  the  goddess  of  Arbela, 
the  fierce  companion  in  arms  of  the  warriors,  or  the 
other  Ishtar,  of  Nineveh,  the  mistress  of  the  soldier 
returned  from  the  wars,  the  goddess  of  love  and  lust. 
Above  them  stood  Ashur,  the  divine  king  of  the 
military  state,  of  whom  the  human  king  was  the 
representative  and  servant, -^  the  god,  who  went  out 
with  the  army  to  battle  and  received  the  spoils. 
The  nation,  thus  affected  and  inspired,  gathered  close 
about  its  divine  head,  and  followed  the  king  his  vice- 
gerent with  unquestioning  obedience.  The  city  where 
he  had  his  seat,  whether  Assur  or  Kalkhi  or  Nineveh, 
became  the  headquarters  of  all  activity.  All  other 
cities,  Arbela  excepted,  were  overshadowed  and  left  to 
drag  out  a  petty  and  insignificant  existence,  their 
names  hardly  known*  Here  the  court  with  its  aris- 
tocracy of  warriors,  chiefs  with  their  clansmen,  formed 
the  centre  of  national  life.  The  king  usually  gave  his 
name  to  the  first  full  year  of  his  kingship  >  it  was  the 
limu  of  the  king  by  which  all  events  were  recorded  ; 
then  followed,  given  as  official  designation  to  year 
after  year,  the  names  of  the  warriors  of  the  court  in 
due  succession^  As  king  succeeded  king,  the  limu 
lists  were  preserved,  formed  a  chronological  frame- 
work for  history  (sect.  38),  and  fostered  the  self- 
consciousness  of  the  state  as  a  living  organism, 
having  a  past  wrought  out  by  men  of  might,  and 
moving  on  toward    the  future.    This  system   had 


ASSYRIAN  CIVILIZATION  OF  THIS  AGE         153 

already  been  adopted  by  the  time  of  Adadnirari  I., 
whose  stele  was  set  up  in  the  year  when  Shalmanu- 
asharid  (Shalmaneser)  was  limu.  It  was  Assyria's 
original  contribution  to  historical  progress,  and  passed 
over  from  the  east  to  reappear  in  Athens,  where  a 
similar  official  was  called  the  archon  eponymos. 

131.  In  this  military  state  all  spheres  of  life  felt  the 
impulse  to  realize  practical  results.  Religion  was  at 
the  service  of  the  kings.  They  were  devoted  to  the 
gods,  indeed,  since  they  were  proud  constantly  to  build 
temples.  Ashuruballit  and  his  descendant  Shalma- 
neser I.  repaired  and  enlarged  a  temple  to  Ishtar  of 
Nineveh,  and  Adadnirari  I.,  another  to  Ashur  at  the 
capital.  They  were  equally  proud  of  erecting  palaces. 
The  Adadnirari  stele  deals  more  fully  with  the  warlike 
achievements  of  the  king  and  his  ancestors  than  with 
his  religious  foundation.  The  remains  of  literature 
and  art  and  the  evidences  of  industry  and  manufac- 
turing in  this  age  are  too  scanty  to  warrant  any  judg- 
ment, the  few  royal  inscriptions,  some  alabaster  jars, 
and  a  bronze  sword  of  Adadnirari  I.  (Maspero,  SN, 
p.  607),  chariots  and  horses,  lapis  lazuli,  slaves,  and 
precious  vases  mentioned  as  gifts  sent  to  the  Egyp- 
tian kings  (Winckler,  TAL,  15)  being  about  all  the 
available  material,  —  enough  perhaps  to  indicate  that 
Assyrian  scribes  and  merchants  were  following  in  the 
footsteps  of  their  brethren  on  the  Euphrates.  Phoe- 
nician artists  may  have  wrought  in  this  period  the 
ivory  carvings  which  were  found  on  the  site  of  Kalkhi, 
the  capital  of  Shalmaneser  1.  (BMG,  p.  23).  While 
it  is  certain  from  documents  of  later  periods  that  the 
same  legal  forms  were  employed  in  business  transac- 
tions as  were  in  use  in  Babylonia,  no  tablets  of  that 


154  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

character  belonging  to  this  time,  with  possibly  one 
exception,  have  been  found. 

132.  If  the  power  of  an  ancient  civilization  to  dom- 
inate a  rude  people  was  impressively  exhibited  in  the 
victory  of  Babylonian  culture  over  the  Kassites  (sect. 
123),  not  less  significant  was  the  spectacle  of  the 
renaissance  of  that  culture  as  the  Kassite  domination 
began  to  wane.  Contemporaneous  with  the  splitting 
off  of  Assyria  and  its  incessant  inroads  upon  Karduni- 
ash  was  the  advance  of  Egypt  into  Syria  and  its 
appearance  upon  the  Euphrates^  The  reign  of  the 
Semite  in  Western  Asia  and  the  long  era  of  Babylo- 
nian leadership  in  civilization  seemed  about  to  come 
to  an  end.  But  so  deeply  rooted  and  so  vigorous  was 
this  culture,  even  in  Syria,  that  the  Egyptian  con- 
querors were  compelled  to  use  the  Babylonian  speech 
in  their  diplomatic  correspondence  with  the  princes 
and  governor^  of  the  provinces  and  to  teach  it  to 
their  officials  in  the  Egyptian  capital.  And  when  the 
authority  of  the  Pharaohs  decayed  and  their  armies 
disappeared  from  Syria,  the  new  kingdom  on  the 
Tigris  came  forward  and  girded  itself  for  the  task 
of  unifying  under  its  own  leadership  the  Semitic 
peoples  of  Western  Asia,  and  of  making  that  same 
Babylonian  culture  prevail  from  the  Persian  gulf  to 
the  Mediterranean* 


IV 


THE  TIMES  OF  TIGLATHPILESER  I. 
1100  B.  C. 

133.  The  splendid_extension  of  Assyrian  authority 
to  the  northwest,  achieved  by  Shalmaneser  I.  and  his 
successors  (sect.  120),  had  not  been  lasting.  The 
incursion  and  settlement  of  the  Khatti  in  Syria 
proved  to  be  merely  the  beginning  of  a  series  of  simi- 
lar migrations  from  the  north  and  northwest  into  the 
regions  of  Western  Asia.  Half  a  century  before  his 
own  time,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  I.  of  Assyria,  the  Mushki  had  advanced  over 
the  boundaries  of  Assyria's  conquests  along  the  head- 
waters of  the  Euphrates,  had  conquered  the  Alzi 
and  the  Purukuzzi,  her  tributary  peoples,  and  were 
sifting  into  the  nearer  region  of  Qummukh.  The 
bulk  of  the  invading  peoples,  indeed,  poured  down 
into  Syria,  and  broke  in  pieces  the  loose  confederation 
of  the  Khatti,  but  the  latter  in  turn  were  thereby 
pushed  eastward  to  hamper  Assyrian  progress.  The 
effect  of  this  reverse  may  be  observed  in  the  revival 
of  Babylonia  under  the  later  Kassite  kings  (sect.  122). 
It  was,  probably,  late  in  his  long  reign  that  Ashurdan 
I.  of  Assyria  was  able  to  make  headway  against  his 
southern  rivals,  and  inflict  on  the  next  to  the  last 
Kassite  ruler  a  defeat  which  three  years  after  seems 
to  have  cost  this  foreign  dynasty  its  supremacy  over 
Babylonia.     Ashurdan  died  soon  after,  and  was  fol- 


156  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

lowed  by  his  son  Mutakkil-nusku,  of  whom  little  is 
known ;  presumably  he  reigned  but  a  few  years  (about 
1135  B.  c). 

134.  The  dynasty  which  wrested  the  Babylonian 
throne  from  the  Kassites  was,  as  the  names  of  its 
kings  indicate,  of  native  origin,  and  is  called  in  the 
kings'  list  "  the  dynasty  of  Pashe."  Unfortunately, 
that  important  document  is  imperfectly  preserved  at 
this  pointj  and  seven  names  out  of  the  whole  number 
of  eleven  are  quite  illegible.  By  a  strange  chance  the 
names  of  those  kings  who  from  other  documents  are 
known  to  belong  to  this  dynasty,  are  among  those 
missing  from  the  kings'  list,  and  it  is  therefore  im- 
possible to  determine  accurately  their  chronological 
order  and  the  length  of  their  reigns.  Of  these  the 
greatest  was  Nebuchadrezzar  I.  A  highly  probable 
argument  has  been  made  by  Hilprecht  (OBT,  I.  i, 
pp.  41  ff.)  to  prove  that  he  was  the  founder  of  the 
dynasty  and  its  first  king  (about  1140-1123  B.  c),  but 
paleographic  grounds  render  it  inconclusive,  though 
not  impossible.  He  was  followed  in  turn  by  Bel- 
nadin-aplu  (about  1122-1117  B.  c),  and  Marduk- 
nadin-akhi  (about  1116-1105).  The  dynasty  held  the 
throne  over  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  years  to  about 
1010  B.C. 

135.  The  name  Nebuchadrezzar,  meaning  "  May  the 
god  Nabu  protect  the  boundary,"  is  significant  of 
the  work  of  this  energetic  Babylonian  ruler.  Baby- 
lonia had  been  the  tramping-ground  of  the  nations. 
For  centuries  foreigners  had  ruled  in  the  land  and 
had  warred  with  the  Assyrians  for  its  possession. 
In  the  last  Kassite  years  the  Elamites  had  renewed 
their  im'oads  from  the  east,  penetrating  to  the  very 


THE  BABYLONIAN  REVIVAL  157 

heart  of  the  land.  The  province  of  Namar,  famous 
for  its  horses,  was  already  occupied  by  them.  This 
deep  humiliation,  coupled  with  the  Assyrian  success, 
drove  the  Kassite  from  his  ascendency  and  opened  the 
way  for  more  successful  defenders  of  the  ancient  state. 
Nebuchadrezzar  undertook  the  task.  He  found  the 
Elamites  already  at  Der.  In  spite  of  the  scorching 
heat  of  midsummer  he  pushed  on,  driving  them  before 
him.  Across  the  Tigris,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ula,  the 
final  stand  was  made  by  the  Elamite  army,  but,  in  the 
fierce  battle  that  ensued,  the  king,  in  the  words  of  his 
own  inscription  (ABL,  p.  8),  ''remained  the  victor" 
and  ^^overthrew  the^oimtry^Qf  the  king  of  Elam  .  .  . 
carrying  away  its  possessions."  Other  expeditions  to 
the  northeast  into  the  old  Kassite  land  and  beyond  it 
to  the  highlands  of  the  Lullumi,  were  intended  to  give 
warning  to  future  marauders  from  that  region.  A 
governor  of  the  district  was  stationed  at  the  fortress 
of  Holwan. 

136.  Among  the  first  tasks  confronting  such  a  ruler 
was  the  rewarding  of  his  followers,  —  a  work  which 
at  the  same  time  meant  the  restoration  of  the  Semitic- 
Babylonian  element  to  its  former  social  and  political 
supremacy.  An  interesting  example  of  his  procedure 
in  this  respect  is  found  in  a  document  of  the  king,  the 
most  considerable  inscription  which  has  been  preserved 
from  his  reign,  containing  a  deed  of  gift.  Ritti  Mar- 
duk,  of  the  house  of  Karziyabkhu,  in  the  province  of 
Namar,  which  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Elam- 
ites, had  valiantly  supported  his  lord  in  the  trying 
Elamite  campaign.  Indeed,  he  seems  to  have  per- 
formed a  signal  personal  service  to  Nebuchadrezzar 
when  hard  pressed  by  the  enemy.     On  the  return  of 


158  Babylonia  akd  assybia 

the  army  the  king  issued  a  proclamation,  giving  back 
to  the  prince  and  sealing  for  all  time  former  privi- 
leges by  which  Karziyabkhu  was  made  a  free  domain, 
over  which  the  royal  officials  were  not  to  exercise 
authority,  upon  which  they  w^ere  not  to  levy  taxes, 
from  which  no  requisitions  for  state  purposes  of  any 
sort  were  to  be  made.  Of  the  wisdom  of  establishing 
such  feudal  domains  in  the  kingdom  there  may  be 
some  question.  It  was  a  return  to  the  older  system 
of  land  tenure  which,  by  weakening  the  force  of  royal 
authority,  had  made  defence  against  invaders  difficult. 
But,  for  the  present  at  least,  restoration  was  the  order 
of  the  day,  and  Nebuchadrezzar  proudly  styles  himself 
*'  the  sun  of  his  country,  who  makes  his  people  to 
prosper,  who  preserves  boundaries  and  establishes 
landmarks  (?),  the  just  king,  who  pronounces  right- 
eous judgment."  According  to  another  similar  docu- 
ment, he  rescued  in  his  campaign  a  statue  of  the 
god  Bel,  which  the  Elamites  may  have  taken  from 
Babylon.  He  seized  the  opportunity  on  this  occasion 
to  re-establish,  by  "  taking  the  hands  of  Bel,"  his  own 
right  to  the  Babylonian  throne,  and  proceeded  to  re- 
new in  a  yet  more  striking  and  magnificent  way  the 
ancient  glories  of  his  kingdom. 

137.  Centuries  had  passed  since  any  Babylonian 
ruler  either  had  set  up  the  ancestral  claim  to  posses- 
sion of  the  "  West-land,"  or  had  done  anything  to 
make  that  claim  good.  The  Kassite  kings  had  found 
Egypt  in  possession  of  the  field,  and  Assyria  was, 
from  time  to  time,  pushing  forward  to  cut  off  the 
road  by  occupying  the  upper  waters  of  the  Euphrates. 
But  Nebuchadrezzar,  in  the  spirit  of  a  glorious  past 
which  he  felt  that  he  represented,  not  oiily  called 


KEBUCHADREZZAR  AND  ASHtJlilllSHlSMl       lo9 

himself  "  conqueror  of  the  West-land,"  but  seems 
actually  to  have  reached  the  Mediterranean  and  left 
his  name  upon  the  cliffs  of  the  Nahr-el-Kelb. 

138.  Such  an  expedition  was  certain  to  bring  him 
into  contact  with  Assyria,  and,  indeed,  was  possible 
only  by  reason  of  Assyrian  weakness.  His  activities 
in  the  northeast  were  equally  offensive  to  the  rival 
state.  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  the  Syn- 
chronistic History  records  a  clash  between  the  two 
kingdoms.  Neither  the  time  nor  the  details  of  the 
campaigns  can  be  satisfactorily  determined.  It  may 
be  presmned  that  they  took  place  toward  the  close 
of  the  king's  reign  (about  1125  B.  c).  A  new  ruler, 
Ashur-rish-ishi,  was  king  in  Assyria  and  eager  to  try 
conclusions  with  the  Babylonian  veteran.  He  in- 
vaded the  south,  but  was  driven  back  and  -followed 
by  Nebuchadrezzar,  who  laid  siege  to  a  border  for- 
tress. The  Assyrian  king  succeeded  in  beating  him 
off  and  destroying  his  siege-train.  In  a  later  expe- 
dition which  the  Babylonian  sent  against  Assyria, 
another  and  more  serious  repulse  was  suffered ;  the 
Babylonian  general  Karastu  was  taken  prisoner  and 
forty  chariots  captured.  Nebuchadrezzar,  near  the  end 
of  his  career,  made  no  further  attempt  to  avenge  this 
disgrace,  but  left  the  renewal  of  the  contest  to  his 
successors  (Syn.  Hist.,  col.  II.).  Belnadinaplu  (sect. 
134),  indeed,  seems  to  have  taken  no  steps  in  this 
direction,  nor  did  the  Assyrian  king  pursue  his  ad- 
vantage, unless  his  campaigns  in  the  east  and  south- 
east against  the  highland  tribes,  Ahlami,  Guti,  and 
LuUumi,  are  to  be  regarded  as  an  intrusion  into 
territory  already  claimed  as  the  conquest  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar (sect.  135).     Evidently  neither  party  was 


160  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

anxious  to  come  to  blows.  Babylonia  needed  yet  a 
longer  period  of  recuperation  from  the  exhausting 
struggles  for  deliverance  from  Kassite  and  Elamite, 
while  the  Assyrian  had  his  task^  awaiting  him  in 
the  restoration  of  Assyrian  power  in  the  north  and 
northwest. 

139.  The  king  who  was  to  achieve  this  task  for 
Assyria  and  to  add  a  brilliant  page  to  her  annals  of 
victory  was  already  in  the  field.  For  at  least  three 
generations  the  Assyrian  crown  had  passed  from 
father  to  son,  when  Tiglathpileser  I.,  the  fourth  of 
the  line,  in  the  flower  of  his  youth,  mounted  the 
throne  (about  1110  B.C.). 

140.  To  understand  the  significance  of  the  career 
of  this  great  king,  so  fully  detailed  in  his  own 
inscription,  a  glance  must  be  given  at  what_had  come 
to  be  the  traditional  political  policy  of  Assyria. 
Linked  to  Babylonia  by  ties  of  blood  and  culture,  the 
state  was  constantly  drawn  into  complications  with 
the  mother-land.  The  vicissitudes  of  these  relations 
have  been  traced  in  preceding  chapters.  But,  apart 
from  this  fundamental  influence,  was  the  problem, 
presented  to  each  state,  of  the  relation  to  the  larger 
environment.  For  Babylonia,  this  problem  had 
already  been  solved.  Her  central  position  on  the 
Euphrates  —  the  connecting  link  between  east  and 
west  —  indicated  that  her  sphere  of  influence  reached 
out  through  western  Mesopotamia  to  Syria  and  the 
Mediterranean  coast-lands.  This  predominance,  real- 
ized long  before  Assyria  was  born,  had  been  main- 
tained, with  frequent  lapses,  indeed,  and  long 
intervals  of  inactivity,  down  to  the  days  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar I.     From  Babylon  to  Haran  and  from  Haran  to 


THE  SCENE  OF  ASSYRIAN  EXPANSION  161 

the  sea  stretched  the  recognized  highroad  as  well  of 
Babylonia's  merchants  as  of  her  armies.  Assyria, 
newly  arrived  upon  the  scene,  and  once  secure  of  her 
position  as  an  independent  power  by  the  side  of  her 
more  ancient  rival,  found  the  outlook  for  progress 
leading  to  the  more  rugged  pathways  of  the  high- 
lands to  the  north  and  northwest.  To  this  field  her 
position  in  the  upper  corner  of  the  Mesopotamian 
plain  invited  her.  The  Tigris  had  broken  through 
the  mountains  and  opened  up  the  road  thither.  And 
when  the  Assyrian  merchant,  moving  westward  in 
the  shadow  of  the  mountain  wall  which  formed  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  plain,  was  halted  at  the 
Euphrates  by  Babylonian  authority,  he  turned  north- 
ward into  the  highlands  through  which  the  upper 
Euphrates  poured,  and  thus  brought  to  light  wider  re- 
gions for  the  extension  of  Assyrian  commerce.  In  all 
this  mountain-land  the  soldier  had  followed  hard  upon 
the  heels  of  the  trader,  so  that  for  more  than  three 
centuries  the  campaigns  of  kings  like  Ashuruballit, 
Adadnirari,  and  Shalmaneser  had  built  up  the  tradi- 
tion that  Assyria's  sphere  of  influence  was  this  north- 
ern highland.  Though  in  after  years,  when  Babylonia 
had  yielded  her  supremacy  of  the  west-land,  the  As- 
syrian kings  devoted  themselves  to  conquest  in  the 
richer  lands  of  Syria,  they  never  forgot  the  field  of 
their  earlier  campaigns ;  they  kept  open  the  trade 
routes,  and  held  in  check  the  restless  peoples  of  this 
rugged  region. 

141.  This  region,  in  classical  times  known  as 
Armenia,  containing  in  its  fullest  extent  sixty  thou- 
sand square  miles,  is  an  irregular  rectangle,  its 
greatest  length   five   hundred   miles,   its  width   two 

11 


162         *  BABYLONIA  ANn  ASSYRIA 

hundred  and  fifty  miles.  vA  vast  plateau,  lifted  sotne 
seven  thousand  feet  above  sea-level,  it  is  girt  about 
and  traversed  by  mountain  ranges.  \  On  its  northern 
boundary  lies  the  Caucasus ;  along  the  southern 
border,  overlooking  the  Mesopotamian  valle}^,  runs 
Mt.  Masius,  called  by  the  Assyrians  Kashiari.  Be- 
tween these  mountain  boundaries  two  chains  (the  Ar- 
menian Taurus  and  the  Anti-Taurus)  cross  this  lofty 
region  from  west  to  east  at  about  equal  distances  from 
one  another.  At  its  eastern  border  the  mountains 
turn  sharply  to  the  southeast,  and  the  country  becomes 
a  trackless  tangle  of  peaks  and  ravines.  Toward  the 
northwest  the  plain  runs  out  onto  the  plateau  of  Asia 
Minor,  or  drops  to  the  Black  Sea.  To  the  southwest 
the  Taurus  throws  out  the  ranges  that  pierce  Arme- 
nia, and  then  itself  turns  off  to  the  south  in  the 
Amanus  range  which  forms  the  backbone  of  Syria. 
In  this  disintegration  of  the  Taurus  the  entire  surface 
of  the  land,  like  its  eastern  counterpart,  is  tossed 
about  in  a  shapeless  confusion  of  high  and  well-nigh 
impassable  summits.  Within  Armenia,  between  the 
long  ranges,  lie  fair  and  smiling  plains.  Between 
Kashiari  and  the  Armenian  Taurus  the  springs  of  the 
Tigris  gather  to  form  that  mighty  stream  which 
breaks  through  the  former  range  on  the  east  and 
pours  doAvn  to  the  sea.  Behind  the  Armenian  Tau- 
rus are  the  sources  of  the  Euphrates  which  flows  at 
first  parallel  to  the  Tigris,  but  in  the  opposite  direc- 
tion, until,  turning  to  the  southward,  it  tears  its  way 
throucfh  the  knot  of  mountains  in  southwestern 
Armenia  by  innumerable  windings,  and  debouches  on 
the  plain,  at  first  to  fall  swiftly,  then  to  spread  out 
more  widely  on  its  way  to  the   Persian  gulf.     The 


ARMENIA  163 

land,  threaded  by  the  head-waters  of  these  rivers,  is 
wild  and  romantic,  with  deep  glens,  lofty  peaks,  and 
barren  passes.  In  the  midst  of  it  lies  the  broad, 
blue  salt  lake  of  Van,  eighty  miles  long.  The  moun- 
tains are  thickly  wooded,  the  valleys  are  genial. 
Mineral  wealth  in  silver,  copper,  and  iron  abounds. 
Inexhaustible  pasturage  is  found  for  flocks  and  herds. 
All  the  fruits  of  the  temperate  zone  grow  in  the 
valleys,  and  harvests  of  grain  are  reaped  in  the  plains. 
The  winters  are  cold  and  invigorating.  It  is  a 
country  of  rare  picturesqueness,  capable  of  support- 
ing a  large  population.  The  people,  vigorous  and 
hardy,  till  the  soil  of  the  plains,  or  lead  flocks  and 
herds  over  the  hillsides.  The  tribal  organization  pre- 
vails. Villages  nestle  at  the  base  of  hills  surmounted 
by  rude  fortresses.  The  larger  towns,  situated  on 
the  main  roads  which  lead  from  Asia  Minor  to  Meso- 
potamia, are  centres  of  trade  in  raw  materials,  wool, 
goat's  hair,  and  grain,  or  in  the  rude  vessels  of  copper 
and  silver,  the  spoil  of  the  mines,  or  in  the  coarse 
cloths  of  the  native  weaver.  The  larger  plains  afford 
to  the  tribes  opportunities  for  closer  organization,  un- 
der chiefs  mustering  no  inconsiderable  number  of  war- 
riors. Border  forays  and  the  hunting  of  wild  beasts 
vary  the  monotony  of  agricultural  and  pastoral  exist- 
ence. At  times,  under  pressure  of  invasion,  the 
tribes  unite  to  defend  their  valleys,  but  fall  apart 
again  when  the  danger  is  past.  A  free,  healthy,  and 
abundant,  if  rude,  life  is  lived  under  the  open  sky. 

142.  To  secure  control  over  the_,  borders  of  this 
upland,  then,  Assyrian  kings  had  girded  themselves 
in  preceding  centuries.  But  the  foothold  attained  by 
them  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Euphrates  had  been, 

\-' 


164  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

as  has  been  indicated  (sect.  133),  all  buLlnsL before 
Tiglathpileser  became  king.  Scarcely  had  he  taken 
his  seat,  when  a  new  disaster  was  aAnounced  from 
the  land  of  the  Qummukhi.  This  people  occupied 
the  extensive  valley  between  the  Armenian  Taurus 
and  the  Kashiari  range  at  the  sources  of  the  Tigris, 
to  the  east  of  the  gorge  by  which  the  Euphrates 
breaks  through  the  former  range  to  seek  the  JNIeso- 
potamian  plain.  Tribes  from  the  northwest,  known 
collectively  as  the  Mushki,  not  content  with  over- 
powering the  Alzi  and  Purukuzzi  (sect.  133), 
suddenly  hurled  themselves  under  their  five  kings 
with  twenty  thousand  warriors  upon  the  Qummukhi. 
Tiglathpileser  hurried,  with  an  army,  from  Assur  to 
the  scene,  more  than  three  hundred  miles  away.  His 
route  led  him  up  the  Tigris,  half-way  across  the 
upper  Mesopotamian  plain,  then  northward  over 
the  range  of  Kashiari,  to  a  point  where  he  could 
overlook  the  valley  at  its  centre,  not  far  from  the 
ancient  town  of  Amid,  the  modern  Diyarbekr. 
Froin^here  he  descended  with  chariots  and  infantry 
upon  the  invaders  below  and  crushed  them  in  one 
tremendous  onslaught.  Surprised  and  overwhelmed, 
fourteen  thousand  were  cut  down,  and  the  remaimeT" 
captured  and  transported  to  Assur.  The  Qummukhi, 
restless  and  rebellious,  were  subdued  with  fire  and 
sword ;  one  of  tlieir  clans  tliat  fled  into  the  eastern 
mountains  the  king  followed  across  the  Tigris,  and, 
though  they  were  aided  by  the  Kirkhi  (Kurti),  a  neigh- 
boring people  in  the  eastern  plateau,  he  defeated  them 
and  captured  their  stronghold.  Returning,  he  marched 
against  the  capital  of  another  of  their  clans  farther 
to  th^  north.     They  fled  at  his  approach  ;  their  chief 


NORTHERN  CAMPAIGNS  165 

submitted  without  fighting  and  was  spared.  The 
king  closed  the  campaign  by  taking  a  detachment  of 
infantry  and  thirty  chariots  for  a  dash  over  the 
northern  mountains  into  the  "  haughty  and  unsub- 
missive country  of  Mildish,"  which  was  likewise 
reduced  to  subjection.  Upon  all  the  peoples  he  laid 
the  obligation  of  regular  tribute  and,  laden  with 
booty,  returned  to  Assyrian.  By  one  vigorous  advance_ 
he  had  not  only  removed  the  danger  from  the  invad- 
ing peoples,  but  had  re-established  Assyrian  authority 
over  one  of  the  largest  and  most  important  of  these 
mountain  valleys,  —  that  one  which  formed  the  en- 
trance into  the  Mesopotamian  plain. 

143.  Xhe  second  _campaigna^  iindertaken  in  the  first 
full  year  of  his  reign,  —  the  year  of  his  accession 
counting  as  only  "  the  beginning,"  —  was  directed 
chiefly  against  the  still  rebellious  Qummukhi,  who 
were  made  again  to  feel  the  weight  of  Assyrian  dis- 
pleasure. On  their  western  border  were  settled  the 
Shumashti  (Shubarti),  whose  cities  had  been  invaded 
by  a  body  of  tribes  of  the  Khatti,  four  thousand 
strong  in  infantry  and  chariots.  These  invaders 
submitted  on  the  king's  advance  and  were  transported 
to  Assyria.  Two  minor  events  of  the  year  were 
the  re-establishment  of  authority  over  the  Alzi  and 
Purukuzzi,  and  the  subjugation  of  the  Shubari,  an 
eastern  hill-tribe. 

144.  In  the  narrative  of  the  first  year's  exploits 
occurs  a  phrase  which  suggests  that  the  plan  sub- 
sequently followed  by  the  king  was  already  conceived. 
Not  only  had  Ashur,  the  nation's  god,  bidden  him 
subdue  rebellious  vassals,  but,  to  use  the  king's  own 
words,  "  now  he  commanded  me  to  extend  the  bouii- 


166  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

daries  of  my  country."  It  had  become  clear  that,  to 
hold  the  peoples  of  these  northern  valleys  to  their 
allegiance,  a  systematic  extension  of  Assyrian  territory 
there  must  be  undertaken.  The  task  was  formidable, 
leading  Tiglathpileser  I.  into  far  districts  hitherto  un- 
heard of  by  Assyrian  kings,  and  requiring  a  display 
of  energy  and  resource  that  his  predecessors  had  not 
approached.  Three  well-conceived  campaigns  are  re- 
corded. In  the  first  —  that  of  his  second  regnal  year 
-^ythe  tribes  to  the  east  of  Qummukhi  and  the  sources 
of  the  Tigris,  between  Kashiari  and  the  Armenian 
Taurus,  were  subdued.  In  the  second  —  that  of  his 
third  regnal  year-^S^lie  king  climbed  the  Taurus  and 
descended  upon  the  sources  of  the  Euphrates.  Here 
were  the  tribes  known  to  the  Assyrians  as  the  Nairi, 
living  to  the  west  of  Lake  Van.  The  army  pushed 
steadily  westward  through  the  mountains,  fighting  as 
it  advanced,  crossed  the  Euphrates,  marched  along  its 
right  bank,  and  reached  the  city  of  Milid,  the  western 
end  of  the  main  road  from  Asia  Minor,  later  called 
the  "Royal  Road,"  and  the  chief  city  of  a  district 
separated  from  the  Qummukhi  only  by  the  lofty 
Taurus  mountains.  There  remained  onlji^hepeoples 
to  the  far  west,  and  against  these,  after  tlie* interval  of 
a  year,  the  king  proceeded  in  his  fifth  regnal  year.  In 
this  region,  between  Qummukhi  and  the  gulf  of  Issus, 
lived  the  Mujjjv  whom  Shalmaneser  I.  had  alrccidy 
encountered  (sect.  120).  In  these  mountain  valleys 
had  flourished,  centuries  before,  one  of  the  main 
branches  of  the  wide  kingdom  of  the  Khatti,  and 
from  thence  this  warlike  people  had  descended  upon 
the  Syrian  plain.  Here  Tiglathpileser  found  great 
fortresses,  with  walls  and  towers,  blocking  his  ad- 


SUMMARY  OF  CAMPAIGNS  167 

vance.  His  reduction  of  the  Mu^ri  stirred  up  their 
neighbors  and  allies  to  the  northwest,  the  Qumani, 
and  sent  him  still  farther  away  into  the  endless 
confusion  of  rugged  mountain  ranges  to  accomplish 
their  overthrow.  One  fierce  battle  with  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  warriors  drove  the  defenders  back 
upon  Khunusa,  their  triple-walled  fortress,  which  was 
stormed  by  the  king  with  great  slaughter  and  de- 
molished. The  way  now  lay  open  to  their  capital, 
which  surrendered  on  his  approach.  Thereupon  he 
accepted  the  submission  of  the  tribes  and  laid  the 
ustial  tribute  upon  them.  The  first  stage  of  his 
stupendous  task  was  now  pxactically  completed. 
The  Assyrian  border  in  this  vast  mountain  region 
stretched  in  a  huge  arc  from  the  upper  Tigris  and 
Lake  Van  around  the  head-waters  of  the  Euphrates 
to  the  northeastern  corner  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Indeed  it  extended  even  farther,  for,  to  use  his  own 
proud  words : 

I  conquered  in  all,  from  the  beginning  of  my  reign  to 
my  fifth  regnal  year,  forty-two  countries  and  their 
princes,  from  the  left  bank  of  the  lower  Zab  and  the 
border  of  distant  forest-clad  mountains  as  far  as  the 
right  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  the  land  of  the  Khatti, 
and  the  Upper  Sea  of  the  setting  sun  (Prism  Inscription, 
col.  vi.  39-45). 

145.  During  the  strenuous  years  of  these  campaigns 
the  king  had  found  occasion  to  make  at  least  two^ 
expeditions  in  other  directions.  The  overthrow  of 
the  Shubari  in  the  eastern  hills  took  place  in  his  first 
regnal  year.  In  the  fourth,  he  made  a  raid  upon  the 
Bedouin,    who   were    crossing   the    Euphrates    into 


168  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

western  Mesopotamia,  apparently  for  the  purpose  of 
settling  in  the  upper  plain.  They  were  the  advanqg^ 
guard  of  the  Arameans.  Crossing  the  plain  due 
west  from  Assur,  Tiglathpileser  drove  them  before 
him  along  the  river  from  the  Khabur  to  the  city  of 
Karkhemish,  followed  them  across  into  the  desert, 
burned  their  villages,  and  carried  off  their  goods  and 
cattle  to  his  capital.  Necessary  as  such  a  campaign 
was  for  Assyria's  protection,  it  had  entered  territory 
under  Babylonian  influence,  and  could  hardly  have 
failed  to  stir  up  the  Babylonian  ruler  to  action  against 
Assyria.  Marduknadinakhi  (sect.  134)  was  a  vigor- 
ous ruler,  and  he  seems  to  have  responded  by  an 
invasion  of  Assyrian  territory  in  the  tenth  year  of 
his  reign,  in  which  may  have  occurred  the  capture 
of  the  city  of  Ekallati,  and  the  removal  of  its  gods 
to  Babylon,  an  event  to  which  a  later  Assyrian  king, 
Sennacherib,  refers.  In  the  hostilities  which  inevi- 
tably ensued  and  continued  for  two  years,  possibly 
the  seventh  and  eighth  regnal  years  of  Tiglathpileser, 
the  Babylonian  was  severely  beaten.  In  the  first 
campaign  Marduknadinakhi  had  advanced  beyond 
the  lower  Zab  into  Assyrian  territory,  when  he  was 
driven  back.  In  the  second,  the  Assyrian  king  took 
the  offensive  and  swept  all  before  him.  The  decisive 
defeat  was  administered  in  northern  Babylonia. 
Tiglathpileser  captured,  one  after  another,  thechief 
northern  cities,  Upi,  Dur  Kurigalzu,  Sippar,  and 
Babylon,  and  then  marclied  up  the  Euphrates  to  the  , 
Khabur,  thereby  bringing  the  river  from  Babylon 
to  Karkhemish  under  Assyrian  control.  Satisfied^ 
with  this  assertion  of  his  superiority,  and  the  control 
pf  the  chief  trade  routes,  he  did  not  attempt  to  usurp 


TIGLATHPILESER  I.  IN  THE   WEST  169 

the  Babyloiiian  throne,  but  left  Marduknadinakhi  to 
resume  his  discredited  authority. 

146.  A  few  more  campaigns  of  the  great  Assyrian 
are  recorded.  An  expedition  against  Elam  may 
belong  to  his  ninth  year.  Other  visits  to  the  lands 
of  the  Nairi  are  mentioned,  in  the  last  of  which  he 
set  up,  at  the  mouth  of  a  grotto  whence  flows  one  of 
the  sources  of  the  Tigris,  a  stone  slab  upon  which 
a  full-length  effigy  of  the  conqueror  is  sculptured, 
with  a  proclamation  of  his  victories  over  these  north- 
ern peoples.  It  would  not  be  surprising  if  he  reigned 
little  more  than  ten  years.  The  numerous  and  fa- 
tiguing campaigns  in  which  he  led  his  troops,  some- 
times in  his  chariot,  oftener  on  foot,  over  rugged 
mountains,  amidst  incessant  fighting,  must  early  have 
exhausted  even  his  iron  endurance.  In  the  intervals 
of  warfare  he  hunted  with  indefatigable  zeal.  lists 
of  lions  slain  by  the  king  when  on  foot  or  from  the 
chariot,  of  wild  oxen  and  elephants,  the  trophies  of  his 
lance  and  bow,  appear  in  his  annals,  and  reveal  another 
side  of  his  activity.  Not  by  himself,  but  by  later 
kings,  is  another  expedition  referred  to,  which  if,  as 
it  seems,  properly  assigned  to  liim,  rounds  out  his 
career.  On  the  broken  obelisk  of  Ashurna^irpal  III. 
are  some  lines  which  describe  achievements  parallel 
to  his,  though  the  rulers  name  has  not  been  pre- 
served. Of  this  unknown  it  is  further  said  that  he 
sailed  in  ships  of  Arvad,  a  city  of  Phoenicia,  killed 
a  nakJdru  (sea  monster  of  some  sort)  in  the  great  sea, 
captured  wild  cattle  at  the  foot  of  Lebanon,  and  was 
presented  by  the  king  of  Egypt  with  a,  pagutu  (hippo- 
potamus?) and  a  crocodile.  Shalmaneser  II.  speaks 
of  the  cities  of  Ashurutiragbat  and  Mutkinu,  lying 


170  BABYLONIA  AND   ASSYRIA 

over  against  one  another  on  either  side  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, as  once  captured  by  Tigkthpileser.  These 
statements  imply  that,  in  the  years  after  his  Babylo- 
nian victory,  he  completed  his  western  conquests  by 
a  campaign  in  Syria  that  carried  him  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  to  the  Lebanons.  The  fame  of  this  ex- 
ploit extorted  a  tribute  of  respect  from  an  Egyptian^ 
ruler. 

147.  Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  king's 
military  activity  was  no  purposeless  series  of  plunder- 
ing raids.  His  campaigns  are  linked  together  in  a 
well-ordered  system.  The  first  item  of  his  policy  is 
stated  in  his  plain  but  significant  assertion,  "  The  feet 
of  the  enemy  I  kept  from  my  country."  Even  more 
important  is  his  second  boast,  "  One  word  united  I 
caused  them  to  speak."  Once  conquered,  the  peoples 
were  organized  under  Assyrian  rule.  Of  the  details  in 
the  realization  of  this  plan  he  himself  has  recorded 
little  beyond  the  establishment  of  a  regular  tax  and  the 
requirement  of  hostages.  The  deportation  of  captured 
tribes  is  not  uncommon.  The  conquered  peoples 
swear  solemn  oaths  of  allegiance  by  the  Assyrian 
gods.  Rebels  are  treated  with  ruthless  cruel ty,  for 
they  have  sinned  against  gods  and  men.  Peoples  who 
resist  attack  are  exposed  to  slaughter  and  the  plunder- 
ing of  their  goods.  Tribes  that  submit  are  spared, 
their  property  respected,  their  chiefs  restored  to 
power  under  Assyrian  supremacy.  These  principles, 
acted  upon  by  Tiglathpileser,  formed  a  body  of  pre- 
cedents for  future  rulers. 

148.  At  first  thought,  it  seems  unlikely  that  so 
easrer  a  warrior  would  be  solicitous  for  the  economic 
welfare  of  his  country.     He  was  statesman,  however, 


BUILDING  ACTIVITIES  171 

as  well  as  conqueror.  From  the  conquered  lands  he 
brought  back  flocks  and  herds;  he  sought  out  use- 
ful and  valuable  trees  for  transplanting  into  Assyrian 
forests,  oaks,  cedars,  and  fruit  trees  of  a  kind  unknown 
to  Assyrian  orchards.  He  rebuilt  the  crumbling  walls 
of  cities ;  repaired  the  storehouses  and  granaries  and 
heaped  them  high  with  grain.  Royal  palaces  in  his 
various  provincial  cities  were  restored,  forming  cita- 
dels for  defence.  Most  splendid  of  all  were  the 
temples  which  he  built  and  adorned  with  inimitable 
splendor.  Of  the  restored  temple  of  Anu  and  Adad 
he  says : 

I  built  it  from  foundation  to  roof  larger  and  grander 
than  before,  and  erected  also  two  great  temple  towers, 
fitting  ornaments  of  their  great  divinities.  The  splendid 
temple,  a  brilliant  and  magnificent  dwelling,  the  habita- 
tion of  their  joys,  the  house  for  their  delight,  shining  as 
bright  as  the  stars  on  heaven's  firmament  and  richly 
decorated  with  ornaments  through  the  skill  of  my  artists, 
I  planned,  devised,  and  thought  out,  built,  and  completed. 
I  made  its  interior  brilliant  like  the  dome  of  the  heavens; 
decorated  its  walls  like  the  splendor  of  the  rising  stars, 
and  made  it  grand  with  resplendent  bnlliancy.  I  reared 
its  temple  powers  to  heaven,  and  completed  its  roof  with 
burned  brick  ;  located  therein  the  upper  terrace  contain- 
ing the  chamber  of  their  great  divinities  ;  and  led  into  the 
interior  Anu  and  Adad,  the  great  gods,  and  made  them  to 
dwell  in  their  lofty  house,  thus  gladdening  the  heart  of 
their  great  divinities  (Prism  Ins.,  col.  vii.  85-114,  trans, 
in  ABL,  pp.  25  f.). 

149.  The  height  of  Assyria's  attainment  in  the  arts 
of  life  may  be  inferred  from  a  passage  like  the  fore- 
going, which  is  characteristic  of  the  inscription  as  a 


172  BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA 

whole,  written  as  it  is  in  a  vigorous,  flowing,  and  some- 
wliat  rhetorical  style,  significant  of  no  little  literary 
culture.  The  ruler  who  could  achieve  such  things  and 
find  expression  for  them  in  so  lofty  a  fashion  was  far 
from  being  a  mere  ruthless  general,  and  his  state  much 
more  than  a  mere  military  establishment.  Justly  could 
he  declare  that  he  had  "  enhanced  the  welfare  of  his 
^nation,"  and  made  his  people  "  hve  and  dwell  in_ 
peaceful  homes."  Well  might  he  pray,  to  use  his 
own  words,  that  the  gods 

may  turn  to  me  truly  and  faithfully,  accept  graciously 
the  lifting  up  of  my  hands,  hearken  unto  my  devout 
prayers,  grant  unto  me  and  my  kingdom  abundance  of 
rain,  years  of  prosperity  and  fruitfulness  in  plenty  (Prism, 
Ins.,  col.  viii.  24-29,  trans,  in  ABL,  p.  26). 

150.  Tiglathpileser  was  followed  on  the  throne  by 
his  son  Ashur-bel-kala,  and  he  by  his  brother  Shamshi 
Adad.  The  two  reigns  seem  to  have  been  peaceful 
and  prosperous.  The  former  king  appears  to  have  con- 
tinued to  rule  over  the  wide  domains  of  his  father  and, 
in  addition,  to  have  come  to  terms  with  Babylonia. 
There  Marduk-sapik-zerim  followed  Marduknadi- 
nakhi,  and  entered  into  an  alliance  with  his  Assyr- 
ian neighbor.  When  a  rebellion  drove  the  Babylonian 
from  his  throne,  the  successful  usurper,  *'  son  of  no- 
body," Adad-aplu-iddin,  was  recognized  by^the  son  of 
Tiglathpileser,  who  took  his  daughter  into  the  harem 
on  payment  of  a  princely  dowry  by  her  father.  It 
has  been  inferred,  from  the  finding  of  a  statue  in 
Nineveh  hailing  from  the  king's  palace,  that  Ashui- 
belkala  removed  the  capital  from  Assur  to  Nineveh. 
Such  a  change  is  quite  possible,  since  it  would  place 


DESCENDANTS  OF  TIGLATHPILESER  L  173 

him  nearer  the  centre  of  his  realm.  His  brother,  who 
was  perhaps  his  successor,  is  known  to  have  built  on 
the  temple  of  Ishtar  in  the  latter  city.  The  name 
of  the  son  of  Shamshi  Adad,  Ashurnagirpal  II.,  has 
been  preserved,  but  though  his  striking  prayer  to 
Ishtar  is  in  our  hands  (BMG,  p.  68),  a  record  of  his 
deeds  has  not  come  down  to  posterity.  The  Assyrian 
kingdom  goes  out  in  darkness.  The  first  chapter  of 
her  imperial  history  is  finished  (about  1050  B.  c). 


-^S:^^.....^^  T)-^-«^  i  7  ^  -  I  >  "7 '^ 


PART    III 

THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  ASSYRIA 


THE  ANCIENT  WORLD  AT  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE 
FIRST  MILLENNIUM.     1000  B.C. 

151.  About  the  year  1000  b.  c.  a  strange  and 
well-nigh  unaccountable  state  of  things  confronts  the 
student  of  the  empires  of  the  Mesopotamian  valley. 
For  a  scene  of  vigorous  activity  is  substituted  a 
monotonous  vacancy.  Aggressive  expansion  yields 
to  inertness.  In  place  of  the  regal  personalities 
whose  words  proclaim  their  achievements  in  sonorous 
detail,  appear  mere  names,  scattered  here  and  there 
over  the  wider  spaces  of  the  years,  that  tell  nothing 
of  import  or  interest  concerning  the  progress  of  the 
states  over  which  these  phantom  rulers  held  feeble 
sway.  The  sources  of  knowledge  have  slowly  dried 
up  or  have  been  cut  off  by  the  accidents  to  which 
historical  memorials  are  always  subject.  Here  and 
there  a  brick  inscribed  with  a  king's  name,  or  an 
occasional  reference  in  later  inscriptions  to  some  other- 
wise unknown  rulers  of  the  time,  is  all  that  remains 
of  Assyrian  material.  The  Babylonian  kings'  lists 
and  chronicles  are  confused  or  discordant,  and  at  a 
critical  point,  where  they  are  practically  the  only 
source,  are  quite  broken  away,  leaving  the  whole 
chronological  structure  hanging  in  the  air.  Such 
facts  carry  their  own  important  lesson.  They  speak 
of  decay  or  downfall,  and  invite  inquiry  into  its 
causes. 

12 


178  ASSYRIA 

152.  The  information  directly  gleaned  from  these 
scanty  memorials  may  be  briefly  stated.  Three 
Assyrian  rulers  are  known  to  belong  somewhere 
within  the  period.  Ashurkirbi  (?)  is  said  by  Shal- 
maneser  II.,  who  ruled  Assyria  two  centuries  later, 
to  have  left  a  memorial  of  himself  at  the  Mediterra- 
nean, presumably  in  token  of  a  western  expedition, 
and  also  to  have  lost  to  the  Arameans  the  two  cities 
on  opposite  sides  of  the  Euphrates,  captured  and  prob- 
ably fortified  by  Tiglathpileser  I.  to  guard  Assyrian 
ascendancy  at  that  point  (sect.  146).  On  the  so-called 
broken  obelisk  of  Ashurnagirpal  III.  are  mentioned 
kings  Irba  Adad  and  Ashurnadinakhi  II.,  who,  prob- 
ably in  these  days,  built  at  the  city  of  Assur.  In 
Babylonia  the  dynasty  of  Pashe  came  to  an  end  about 
1007  B.  c,  and  was  followed  by  three  dynasties  in 
rapid  succession.  The  fifth  in  the  order  of  the  kings' 
list  consisted  of  three  kings  who  ruled  between  twenty- 
one  and  twenty-three  years,  and  was  called  the  "  Dy- 
nasty of  the  Sea."  The  sixth,  the  "Dynasty  of  Bazi," 
also  of  three  kings,  endured  for  but  twenty  years. 
An  Elamite  followed,  reigning  for  six  years,  constitut- 
ing by  himself  alone  the  seventh  dynasty.  The  names 
of  the  kings  of  the  eighth  dynasty  are  quite  broken 
away  on  the  list,  and  apparently  the  sum  of  their 
regnal  years  also.  How  long  they  ruled,  therefore, 
is  quite  uncertain,  and,  when  the  gap  closes,  the  kings 
that  begin  the  new  series  belong  to  the  eighth  cen- 
tury. Half  a  dozen  names,  found  in  other  docu- 
ments, occupy  the  vacant  space  over  against  Assyrian 
kings  of  the  ninth  century,  from  whom  ampler  infor- 
mation has  come  down. 

153.  While  only  a  broken  and  baffling  story  of  the 


CAUSES   OF   ASSYRIAN   DECLINE  179 

course  of  these  kingdoms  can  be  drawn  from  such 
sources,  it  does  not  follow  that  the  years  gathering 
about  the  beginning  of  the  first  millennium  B.  c.  were 
not  of  real  significance  to  the  history  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria.  The  kingdoms  themselves  pass  for  the 
time  into  eclipse,  and  the  centre  of  interest  is  shifted 
from  their  capitals  to  the  lands  that  hitherto  have 
been  the  scene  of  their  aggression.  In  those  lands, 
however,  are  to  be  found  the  causes  of  the  decline, 
and  there  a  veritably  new  political  world  was  forming 
in  those  years;  —  a  world  in  which  the  leaders  of  the 
Assyrian  renaissance  were  later  to  carry  their  arms 
to  wider  and  more  splendid  victories. 

154.  It  may  be  correct  to  ascribe  the  dechne  of 
Assyria,  at  least  in  part,  to  internal  exhaustion,  due 
to  the  tremendous  strain  of  the  numerous  and  costly 
campaigns  of  Tiglathpileser  I.  Vigorous  citizens  had 
been  drafted  for  the  armies,  many  of  whom  perished 
on  distant  battlefields.  The  economic  resources  of  the 
land  absorbed  in  military  campaigns  were  by  no 
means  compensated  for  by  the  inflowing  of  treas- 
ure from  the  conquered  lands,  most  of  which  wxnt  into 
the  royal  coffers.  These  losses  could  not  but  disable 
the  national  strength.  Yet  the  great  king  seems  to 
have  sought  to  guard  against  this  danger  by  the 
statesmanlike  measures  already  described  (sect.  148), 
and  during  the  reigns  of  his  two  sons  some  oppor- 
tunity for  recuperation  was  afforded.  The  prime  fact 
was  that,  coincident  with  this  period  of  internal  de- 
chne, a  series  of  mighty  movements  of  peoples  took 
place  in  the  world  without,  which  swept  away  As- 
syria's authority  over  her  provincial  districts,  en- 
croached upon  her  territory,  threw  Babylonia  into  civil 


180  ASSYRIA 

war,  paralyzed  all  foreign  trade,  and  afforded  oppor- 
tunity for  tlie  consolidation  of  rival  powers  on  the 
borders  of  both  nations.  The  most  important  of 
these  movements  was  a  fresh  wave  of  Aramean  migra- 
tion, which  welled  up  in  resistless  volume  from  _the~ 
Arabian  peninsula.  At  various  periods  during  pre- 
ceding centuries,  these  nomads  had  crossed  the 
Euphrates,  and  roamed  through  the  middle  Mesopo- 
tamian  plain  as  far  as  the  Tigris.  At  times  they 
were  a  menace  to  the  commerce  of  the  rivers,  but 
usually  were  held  in  check  by  the  armies  of  the  great 
states,  driven  back  by  systematic  campaigns,  or  ab- 
sorbed into  the  settled  population.  But  in  these  years 
tliey  came  in  overwhelming  multitudes.  Apparently 
by  the  mere  force  of  numbers  they  crowded  back  the 
Assyrians  and  Babylonians  and  occupied  the  entire 
western  half  of  the  plain.  They  poured  oyer  into 
Syria  as  well,  until  stopped  by  the  sea  and  tli^  moun- 
tains. At  the  first  they  may  have  moved  to  and  fro, 
fighting  and  plundering,  and  not  witliout  reason  has 
it  been  held  (Tiele,  BAG,  pp.  167,  178)  that  they 
carried  fire  and  sword  into  the  heart  of  Assyria  itself. 
^  In  course  of  time  they  yielded  to  the  influences  of 
?  civilization,  and  began  to  settle  down  in  the  rich 
' '  country  of  upper  Mesopotamia  around  the  Euphmtes, 
where  their  states  are  found  a  century  after.  The 
causes  of  such  a  movement  are  difficult  to  determine. 
In  this  case  something  more  than  the  ordinary  irppulse" 
to  migration  seems  to  be  required.  May  it^  not  be 
found  in  the  rise  of  the  kingdoms  of  southern  Arabia 
which,  whether  Minean  or  Sabean,  seem  to"  have 
reached  the  acme  of  their  prosperity  just  before  this 
period  ?     Their  extension  toward  the  north  and  east 


THE  KALDI  IN  BABYLONIA  181 

may  have  driven  the  Bedouin  upward  and  precipitated 
the  onward  movement  which  forced  the  Arameans  out 
into  Mesopotamia  and  Syria. 

155.  Such  a  cause  would  account  also  for  the  other 
irruption  from  the  same  Arabian  region,  which  in  this 
period  brought  confusion  to  Babylonia.  It  has  al- 
ready been  remarked  (sect.  69)  that  Babylonian  trade 
with  southern  Arabia  centred  about  the  border  city 
of  Ur  near  the  mouth  of  the  rivers.  Along  this  open 
and  attractive  highway  came  a  new  horde  that  fell 
upon  the  coast-lands  and  river-bottoms,  and  appear 
henceforth  in  Babylonian  history  as  the  Kaldi.     They 

,  pressed  forward  up  the  river,  ever  falling  back,  when 
defeated,  into  their  almost  inaccessible  fastnesses  in 
the  swamps  of  the  coast,  and  ever  reappearing  to  con- 
test the  sovereignty  of  the  land.  The  kings  that  fol- 
lowed the  dynasty  of  Pashe  were  called  Kings  of  the 
Sea  Land;  the  name  suggests  that  they  may  have 
belonged  to  the  Kaldi.  At  any  rate,  thej^  felt  the  in- 
fluence of  the  troubles  occasioned  by  the  Arameans 
to  the  north,  for  an  inscription  of  Nabu-abal-iddin  of 
the  ninth  century,  mentions  the  plundering  of  Akkad 
by  the  Suti,  and  the  failure  of  two  of  the  kings  of  the 
dynasty  in  an  endeavor  properly  to  restore  the  wor- 
ship of  the  god  Shamash  in  Sippar  (KB,  III.  1,  p.  174). 
The  rapid  succession  of  dynasties  in  Babylonia  from 
about  1000  to  950  b.  c.  is  naturally  explained  in  view 
of  a  series  of  incursions  such  as  this  inscription  men- 
tions and  other  facts  suggest. 

156.  In  the  northern  regions,  also,  the  scene  of  the 
victories  of  Tiglathpileser,  Assyrian  ascendancy  ap- 
pears early  to  have  been  swept  away.  The  facts  are 
much  more  obscure  and  indecisive,  but  the  entrance  of 


182  ASSYRIA 

new  peoples  on  the  scene  seems  fairly  certain.  Some- 
where about  or  just  before  this  time,  the  Phrygians 
entered  Asia  Minor  from  Europe,  and,  like  a  wedge, 
forced  apart  the  peoples  of  the  east  and  west.  Vague 
traditions  exist  of  a  Cilician  kingdom,  which  rivalled 
that  of  the  earlier  Khatti,  and  united  the  peoples  to 
the  north  and  east  of  the  gulf  of  Issus  as  far  as  Ar- 
menia (Maspero,  SN,  p.  668).  It  may  be  that  the  as- 
saults of  the  Assyrian  king,  coupled  with  the  Phrygian 
invasion,  had  resulted  in  welding  these  tribes  into 
a  semblance  of  unity  under  some  powerful  chieftain, 
before  whom  the  authority  of  Assyria  speedily  disap- 
peared, and  the  mountain  passes  were  closed  to  her 
trade.  Even  more  significant  for  the  later  history  of 
Assyria  was  the  advance  from  the  northeast  to  the 
shores  of  the  "  Upper  Sea "  (Lake  Van)  of  9,  new 
people,  the  Urarti,  who  were  to  exercise  a  predomi- 
nating influence  in  these  regions.  Their  advent  was 
followed  by  great  confusion.  The  northern  tribes 
were  pressed  down  to  the  south  and  southwest,  and 
thereby  the  Assyrian  ascendancy  in  the  eastern  and 
northern .  mountains  was  broken. 

157.  Behind  these  obstructions  which  effectually 
closed  in  around  the  Mesopotamian  kingdoms,  the 
opportunity  was  given  for  the  formation  of  new  na- 
tionalities, or  the  larger  development  of  those  already 
in  existence.  Especially  on  the  Mediterranean,  cqasji 
was  the  opportunity  improved.  Here  the  warlike 
people  known  as  the  Philistines  had  established  them- 
selves as  lords  in  the  cities  on  the  southeast  coast, 
where  the  roads  run  up  from  Egypt  into  Syria,  and 
were  pressing  up  into  the  hill  country  behind.  On 
these  plateaus  the  Hebrews  had  been  feeling  after  that 


NEW   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SYRIA  183 

national  organization  to  which  their  worship  of  Je- 
hovah led  the  way  and  gave  the  inspiration.  By  the 
impact  of  Philistine  aggression  the  nation  was  brought 
into  being,  and  sprang  into  full  vigor  under  the  genial 
leadership  of  David  and  the  wise  statesmanship  of 
Solomon  (about  1000-930  B.C.).  Higher  up  along 
the  coast  the  aggressive  activity  of  the  royal  house 
of  Tyre,  and  especially  the  reign  of  Hirom  I.,  so 
strengthened  and  enriched  that  city  as  henceforth 
to  make  it  the  centre  of  the  Phoenician  communi- 
ties, the  commercial  mart  of  the  eastern  and  western 
worlds.  In  the  interior  of  Syria,  city-states,  like 
Hamath  and  Khalman,  Patin  and  Samal,  grew  pros- 
perous and  warred  with  one  another  and  with  the 
encroaching  Arameans.  The  latter,  while  settling 
down  in  states  on  either  side  of  the  Euphrates,  had 
pushed  over  into  Syria  as  far  as  Zobah,  and  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  kingdom  of  Damascus,  the  famous 
trading-post  and  garden  spot  of  eastern  Syria.  As 
for  Egypt,  she  was  broken  by  internal  conflict;  and 
though  the  Pharaohs  of  Tanis  were  fairly  vigorous 
kings,  and  from  time  to  time  even  ventured  into 
southern  Palestine,  to  check  and  dominate  the  Philis- 
tines (Mtiller,  Asien  und  Europa,  p.  389),  these  kings 
were  not  masters  of  all  Egypt,  and  could  do  little 
to  support  their  claims  upon  the  Asiatic  provinces 
possessed  by  the  earlier  dynasties.  Thus  the  new 
states  grew  and  older  communities  put  on  new  life, 
under  the  impulse  of  the  fresh  masses  of  population, 
now  that  there  was  freedom  from  the  pressure  of  tlie 
powers  on  the  Tigris  and  the  Nile.  The  whole 
face  of  the  oriental  world  was  changed  and  the  centre 
of  gravity  seemed  to  have  moved  beyond  the  western 


184  ASSYRIA 

bank  of  the  Euphrates.  By  the  middle  of  the  tenth 
century  the  movement  was  at  its  height,  and  Syria 
appeared  to  be  about  to  take  the  place  of  pre-eminence 
in  the  historical  period  that  was  to  follow. 


n 


ASHURNAgiRPAL  III.   AND  THE   CONQUEST  OF 
MESOPOTAMIA.     885-860   B.C. 

158.  The  year  950  b.  c,  by  which  date  the  confu- 
sion of  the  past  century  had  spent  itself  and  in  the 
various  districts  bordering  on  the  Mesopotamian 
valley  was  beginning  to  yield  to  order  and  progress, 
affords  a  convenient  point  from  which  also  to  observe 
the  revival  of  the  ancient  kingdoms  whose  activity  had 
been  so  suddenly  interrupted  during  the  preceding 
years.  In  Egypt  a  Libyan  general,  Sheshonk,  high  in 
position  at  the  court,  had  usurped  the  throne  and 
founded  the  twenty- second  dynasty.  His  accession  was 
soon  followed  by  a  forward  movement  into  Palestine 
and  an  attack  upon  the  Hebrew  kingdoms.  In  Baby- 
lonia the  eighth  dynasty  (sect.  152)  ruled  under  a  king 
of  unknown  name  and  origin,  who  remained  on  the 
throne  for  thirty-six  years  and  was  followed  by  ten 
or  eleven  rulers  of  the  same  line.  Assyria,  however, 
showed  most  clearly  the  beginnings  of  recovery. 
There  also  a  new  dynasty  occupied  the  throne,  and 
thenceforth  the  crown  descended  in  the  same  family, 
from  father  to  son,  through  at  least  ten  generations. 
Of  Tiglathpileser  II.,  the  founder  of  the  line,  nothing 
is  known.  His  son,  Ashurdan  II.  about  930  B.  c, 
comes  forward  somewhat  clearly  as  a  canal-builder,  a 
founder  of  fortresses,  and  a  restorer  of  temples  in 
Assur.     With  Adadnirari  II.  his  son  (911-890  B.  c), 


186  ASSYRIA 

the  upward  movement  was  accelerated.  The  Assyrian 
limu  list  (sect.  38),  that  invaluable  document  of 
ancient  chronology,  begins  with  him,  as  though  the 
compiler  regarded  his  reign  as  a  new  epoch  in  the 
national  history.  He  built  upon  the  walls  of  Assur, 
and,  according  to  one  of  his  descendants,  "  overthrew 
the  disobedient  and  conquered  on  every  side."  No 
record  has  been  preserved  of  any  of  his  wars  except 
that  with  Babylonia.  A  difficulty  about  boundaries 
between  the  countries  seems  to  have  brought  on  the 
conflict.  A  forward  movement  by  the  Babylonian 
king  Shamash-mudammiq  was  met  by  Adadnirari  near 
Mount  Yalman  (Holwan)  in  the  eastern  mountains. 
The  Babylonians  were  driven  back,  and  the  defeait 
apparently  cost  their  king  his  life,  for  he  was  imme- 
diately succeeded  on  the  throne  by  a  usurper,  Na- 
bushumishkun.  Adadnirari  advanced  against  him, 
defeated  his  army,  spoiled  several  cities,  and  brought 
him  speedily  to  terms.  A  treaty  was  made  in  which 
the  kings  exchanged  daughters,  and  the  boundaries 
were  adjusted,  no  doubt  to  the  satisfaction  of  Assyria. 
The  son  of  Adadnirari  II.  was  Tukulti  Ninib  II.,  in 
whose  case  the  direct  report  of  a  campaign  in  the 
north  has  been  preserved.  At  the  sources  of  the  Ti- 
gris, where  Tiglathpileser  I.  had  recorded  his  victories 
(sect.  146),  his  successor  also  inscribed  his  name  and 
exploits,  how  with  the  help  of  his  god  he  traversed 
the  mighty  mountains  from  the  rising  of  the  sun  to 
its  setting,  and  reduced  their  peoples  to  submission. 
It  is  evident  that  the  work  of  his  predecessor  of  two 
centuries  before  had  to  be  done  over  again.  He  val- 
iantly undertook  the  task.  It  is  not  probable  that 
\\\.^  own  campaigns  extended  beyond  the  valley  of  th^ 


ACCESSION  OF  ASHURNAgiRPAL  l87 

upper  Tigris  between  the  first  two  ranges  of  moun- 
tains. He  reigned  but  six  years  (890-885  B.  c),  giving 
promise  of  what  Assyria  was  about  to  achieve  and 
winning  from  his  successors  characteristic  apprecia- 
tions of  his  valor ;  his  son  asserted  that  he  "  laid  the 
yoke  on  his  adversaries  and  set  up  their  bodies  on 
stakes,"  and  his  grandson,  that  "  he  subjugated  all  his 
enemies  and  swept  them  like  a  tempest." 

159.  With  Ashurna^irpal  III.  (885-860  B.  c),  the 
son  and  successor  of  Tukulti  Ninib  II.,  dawns  the 
bright  morning  of  the  Assyrian  revival.  The  brief 
reign  of  his  father  brought  him  to  the  throne  at  an 
early  age,  and,  hke  Tiglathpileser  I.,  he  plunged  im- 
mediately into  a  series  of  warlike  activities.  Of  the 
eleven  campaigns  recorded  in  his  inscriptions,  out  of 
his  twenty-four  full  years  on  the  throne,  seven  were 
carried  through  before  the  first  quarter  of  his  reign 
was  over.  His  first  concern  was  with  the  north, 
whither  his  father  had  already  led  the  way.  There 
important  changes  had  taken  place  since  Tiglathpileser 
had  made  his  campaigns.  The  commotions  in  the  far 
north  had  pushed  the  tribes  and  peoples  out  of  their 
old  seats,  crowded  them  together,  or  brought  new 
peoples  on  the  scene.  The  Nairi  (sect.  144)  were 
now  to  the  southwest  of  Lake  Van,  and  partly  within 
the  southern  valley  to  the  east  of  the  sources  of  the 
Tigris.  The  Kirkhi  had  "been  pressed  together  and 
lay  toward  the  south  of  the  same  valley.  On  the 
western  side  Aramean  tribes  had  crowded  up  on  the 
east  of  the  Qummukhi,  and  formed  several  commu- 
nities about  Amid  and  to  the  west  of  the  upper 
Tigris,  pushing  the  Qummukhi  back  towards  the 
mountains  through  which  the  Euphrates  flows.     Sev- 


188  ASSYRIA 

eral  tribes  about  the  upper  Tigris  had  retired  into 
Kashiari,  and  there  occupied  the  passes  and  valleys 
on  the  border  of  the  Mesopotaraian  plain.  On  the 
east  and  northeast  the  mountain  peoples  had  been 
thrown  forward  to  the  ridges  overlooking  the  valley, 
and  constituted  a  new  problem  for  the  Assyrian 
rulers.  Ashurnagirpal  marched  into  the  very  centre 
of  the  disturbed  region  to  check  the  advance  of  the 
Nairi,  found  their  easternmost  tribe  (the  Nimme) 
already  to  the  couth  of  Lake  Van,  and  crushed  them. 
A  dash  over  the  mountains  to  the  east  brought  the 
Kirruri  to  terms,  and  secured  the  homage  of  peoples 
to  the  far  east  in  the  upper  valleys  of  the  greater  Zab 
(Gilzan  and  Khubushkia).  / 

160.  The  western  plateau  south  of  the  Armenian 
Taurus  was  then  entered.  Back  and  forth  and  up 
and  down  from  the  Bitlis  to  Qummukh  and  from 
Taurur:  to  Kashiari,  he  marched  and  fought  in  the 
four  campaigns  of  the  years  885,  884,  883,  and  880  b.  c. 
The  upper  Tigris  was  first  cleared  by  the  over- 
throw of  the  Kirkhi,  and  the  tribute  of  Qummukh 
was  gathered.  At  this  time  apparently  the  Aramean 
communities  of  that  valley  submitted.  Then  fol- 
lowed the  recovery  of  the  southwestern  part  of  the 
plateau,  where  vigorous  opposition  had  developed 
under  the  leadership  of  a  city  which  had  once  been 
an  Assyrian  outpost.  The  trouble  was  spreading 
northward  among  the  Aramean  cities.  Reaching  the 
sources  of  the  Tigris,  where  he  set  up  his  image  by 
the  side  of  those  of  his  predecessors,  Ashurnagirpal 
marched  southward  along  the  ridge  overlooking  Qum- 
mukh to  Kashiari,  on  whose  southwestern  flanks  were 
the  strongholds  of  the  enemy.     Here  the  cities  of  the 


EASTERN  CAMPAIGNS  189 

Nirbi  were  destroyed,  and  a  fortified  post  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Tigris  was  established  in  the  city 
of  Tushkha,  as  the  centre  of  Assyrian  influence  in  the 
southwestern  plateau.  The  reduction  of  the  Nairi  in 
the  northern  valleys  was  undertaken  in  the  campaign 
of  880  B.  c,  and  their  tribute  brought  to  Tushkha. 
With  this  the  conquest  of  the  various  peoples  of 
these  districts  was  completed.  A  governor  was 
appointed  for  the  whole  region,  with  his  seat  in  that 
city. 

161.  The  king's  movement  into  the  north,  in  the 
beginning  of  his  reign,  seems  to  have  been  regarded 
by  the  hill  peoples  of  the  eastern  border  as  a  menace, 
against  which  it  behooved  them  to  prepare.  That 
they  were  growing  into  a  sort  of  confederacy  is  shown 
in  the  common  name  attached  to  the  region  —  Zamua. 
A  chieftain  whose  tribe  occupied  the  outermost 
fringe  of  mountains  at  the  head  of  the  pass  of  Babite, 
succeeded  after  two  years  in  uniting  all  Zamua  in  an 
alliance.  The  united  tribes  presented  an  independent 
front  to  Assyria  and  proceeded  to  fortify  the  pass. 
To  Ashurnagirpal  this  move  was  equivalent  to 
rebellion.  Besides,  it  threatened  the  security  of  his 
eastern  border  as  well  as  the  control  of  the  trade  with 
the  hinterland.  He  withdrew,  therefore,  from  active 
operations  in  the  northwest,  and  for  two  years  (882- 
881  B.  c.)  campaigned  among  these  eastern  mountains. 
His  first  attack  had  for  its  purpose  the  opening  of 
the  pass.  The  struggle  was  a  severe  one,  and  the 
summer  was  gone  before  the  first  line  of  defences 
was  pierced.  The  king  then  withdrew  to  the  Assyrian 
border.  Winter  came  on  early  in  the  high  mountain 
valleys,  and  the  inhabitants  must  have  felt  secure  for 


190  ASSYRIA 

the  time,  but  in  September  the  Assyrian  army  ap- 
peared again  within  the  mountain  barrier.  A  forti- 
fied camp  was  established,  and  expeditions  sallied  out 
in  all  directions  into  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country, 
striking  hard  blows,  and  retiring  swiftly  on  their 
base  of  operations.  All  Zamua  was  terrified  and 
hastened  to  do  homage.  The  next  year's  campaign 
was  in  the  southeast,  where  some  Zamuan  chiefs 
continued  in  rebellion.  A  rapid  march  to  the  sources 
of  the  Turnat  brought  the  king  into  the  centre  of  the 
disaffected  region,  which  was  laid  waste ;  .thence  the 
army  turned  northward,  burning  and  plundering 
through  the  upper  valleys,  and  descended  to  the 
fortified  camp  of  the  previous  winter.  A  second 
time  all  the  chieftains  of  Zamua  came  and  kissed  the 
king's  feet.  While  the  leading  rebels  had  escaped 
the  vengeance  of  the  king,  the  confederacy  had  been 
broken  up,  and  the  country  severely  punished.  From 
the  northern  border  were  brought  down  the  gifts  of 
Gilzan  and  Khubushkia,  lands  which  had  tendered 
their  submission  in  his  opening  year.  Fortified  posts 
were  established  in  Zamua,  and  a  governor  was 
appointed  with  his  seat  at  Kalkhi. 

162.  These  six  years  of  campaigning  (885-880  B.  c.) 
make  up  a  cycle  of  vigorous  achievement  of  which 
any  warrior  might  be  proud.  From  the  head- waters 
of  the  river  Turnat  on  the  southeast,  to  the  north- 
western mountains  through  which  the  Euphrates 
flowed,  the  long  arc  of  mountain  borderland  had 
been  brought  under  Assyrian  authority.  The  ad- 
vancing tribes  had  been  repressed  and  Assyria's 
borders  relieved.  A  change  of  capital  followed, 
possibly     was     occasioned    by     this     extension     of 


AUAMEAN  TROUBLES  191 

territory.  In  connection  with  his  eastern  wars  the 
attention  of  Ashurnagirpal  had  been  directed  to 
Kalkhi.  Its  favorable  situation,  in  the  angle  where 
the  greater  Zab  falls  into  the  Tigris,  and  equidistant 
from  the  eastern  and  northern  mountain  borders, 
may  have  been  the  ground  which  induced  him  to 
remove  the  seat  of  government  thither.  His  first 
work  was  piously  to  rebuild  the  temple  of  his  patron 
god,  Ninib,  and  place  in  it  a  colossal  statue  of  that 
divinity,  to  set  up  his  shrine  and  appoint  his  festal 
seasons.  Building  went  forward  from  this  time  upon 
the  various  edifices  which  were  to  adorn  the  site, 
while  the  king  himself  turned  to  a  new  field  of  war- 
fare, and  undertook  a  series  of  expeditions  that  oc- 
cupied him  for  at  least  four  years. 

163.  While  in  Qummukh,  on  the  expedition  of 
884  B.  c,  word  was  brought  to  Ashurnagirpal  that 
the  communities  on  the  Khabur  River  were  in  com- 
motion. The  Arameans  had  already  established  petty 
principalities  in  the  rich  plains  bordering  on  the 
Euphrates  from  the  Khabur  to  the  mountains  (sect. 
151).  One  of  these  states  was  aspiring  to  some- 
thing more  than  local  supremacy.  This  community, 
to  the  north  of  the  Balikh,  and  situated  in  a  fertile 
region,  the  seat  of  an  ancient  civilization,  and  an 
immemorial  centre  of  trade,  was  called  by  the  As- 
syrians Bit  Adini  from  a  certain  Adinu,  probably  the 
founder  of  a  dynasty  of  ambitious  chiefs.  How  far 
it  had  extended  its  influence  by  this  time  cannot  be 
determined,  but  its  interference  in  the  affairs  of  Suru 
on  the  Khabur  had  brought  about  a  revolution  there, 
whereby  a  chief  from  Bit  Adini  was  raised  to  the 
throne.    When  the  king  heard  of  it,  he  at  once  recog- 


192  ASSYRIA 

nized  the  gravity  of  the  situation.  A  union  of  these 
communities  was  a  serious  danger  to  Assyria,  and,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  tribes  of  the  eastern  mountains,  he 
regarded  it  as  an  act  of  "  rebellion,"  warranting  im- 
mediate action  on  his  part.  Marching  southward  to 
the  upper  waters  of  the  Khabur,  he  descended  along 
the  river  bank  to  the  scene  of  disturbance.  A  portion 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Suru  submitted.  The  remainder, 
showing  resistance,  were  cruelly  punished,  and  their 
new  chief  carried  off  to  be  flayed  alive  at  Nineveh. 
The  neighboring  tribes  up  and  down  the  Euphrates 
brought  tribute. 

164.  The  four  years  following  saw  the  completion 
of  the  work  undertaken  in  the  north  and  east  (sects. 
160,  161).  Not  till  879  B.  c.  did  the  king  undertake 
another  western  expedition.  Unfortunately,  the  three 
expeditions  that  follow  879  B.  c.  are  left  undated  in 
his  inscriptions,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  these 
occupied  the  years  immediately  following  (z.  e,  878- 
876  B.  c),  though  it  is  usually  assumed  that  they 
did.  In  the  first  two  campaigns  (879-878)  he 
took  Suru  on  the  Khabur  as  a  base  of  operations, 
and  chastised  the  tribes  north  and  south  on  either 
bank  of  the  Euphrates.  The  southern  tribes,  the 
Sukhi,  were  supported  by  Babylonian  troops  under 
the  command  of  Zabdanu,  the  brother  of  Nabupalid- 
din,  king  of  Babylonia,  and  Ashurnagirpal  proudly 
claims  to  have  "stricken  with  terror"  the  land  of 
Babylonia  and  the  Kaldi,  by  taking  prisoner  the 
Babylonian  general  and  three  thousand  of  his  troops. 
He  obtained  boats,  and,  sailing  across  and  down  the 
Euphrates,  plundered  the  villages,  burned  the  grain- 
fields,  and  marched  into  the  desert.    Somewhere  in  the 


TO  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  193 

region  between  the  Khabur  and  the  Balikh  he  built 
two  fortresses  on  either  side  of  the  Euphrates,  called 
Kar  Ashurnagirpal  and  Nibarti  Ashur.  The  third 
expedition  (877  ?)  was  aimed  directly  at  Bit  Adini, 
and  the  resistance  offered  by  Akhuni,  its  king,  col- 
lapsed with  the  storming  of  his  citadel  of  Kaprabi. 
With  the  submission  of  this  Aramean  kingdom  Ash- 
urna^irpal  was  in  control  of  all  upper  Mesopotamia. 

165.  The  last  western  campaign  (876?)  had  the 
Mediterranean  for  its  objective  point.  From  Bit 
Adini  the  Euphrates  was  crossed,  and  Karkhemish, 
the  capital  of  Sangara,  king  of  the  Khatti,  surrendered 
without  fighting.  Ashurnagirpal  now  had  before  him 
the  plateau  of  upper  Syria,  which,  lying  behind  the 
Euphrates  hills,  stretched  away  westward  to  the 
mountains  and  the  seacoast  in  a  series  of  fruitful 
plains,  filled  with  inhabitants.  Petty  city-states 
divided  the  land  between  them  and  occupied  them- 
selves in  perpetual  warfare.  At  this  time  the  leading 
state  was  that  of  Patin,  which,  under  its  king  Lubarna, 
controlled  the  country  about  the  lower  Orontes  and 
its  northern  affluents.  Ashurnagirpal  marched  di- 
rectly on  Patin.  Lubarna  offered  no  resistance,  and 
was  left  in  possession  of  his  kingdom  as  an  Assyr- 
ian vassal.  The  march  led  across  the  Orontes  south- 
ward through  the  mountains.  The  city  of  Aribua 
was  selected  as  an  Assyrian  outpost  and  base  of  sup- 
plies. From  thence  the  march  may  be  told  in  the 
king's  own  words  : 

Then  I  approached  the  slopes  of  Lebanon.  To  the 
great  sea  of  Akharri  [L  e.  the  Mediterranean]  I  ascended. 
In  the  great  sea  I  purified  my  weapons  and  offered 
sacrifices  to  the   gods.     Tribute   of  the   kings   on    the 

18 


194  ASSYIUA 

shores  of  the  sea,  of  Tyre,  Si  Jon,  Byblos,  Makhallata^ 
MaiQa,  Kaiqa,  Akharri,  and  Aramada  [Arvad]  in  the 
midst  of  the  sea,  silver,  gold,  lead,  copper,  copper  vessels, 
variegated  and  linen  garments,  a  large  and  smtiU.  paj/utiij 
ushu  and  ukarinu  wood,  tusks  of  the  nakhiri^  the  sea 
monster,  I  received  in  tribute.  They  embraced  my  feet 
(Standard  Inscr.,  col.  iii.  84-88). 

Returning  northward,  he  went  up  into  the  Amanus 
mountains  to  cut  choice  timber  for  his  palaces  and 
temples,  and,  after  setting  up  the  usual  image  of  him- 
self with  a  memorial  of  his  deeds,  made  liis  way  back 
to  Assyria. 

166.  The  chronicle  of  these  conquests  naturally 
suggests  comparison  with  those  of  Tiglathpileser  I. 
That  warrior  undoubtedly  extended  Assyria's  fame 
and  influence  more  widely  than  did  Ashurna^irpal, 
whose  campaigns  did  not  carry  him  beyond  the  upper 
Euphrates,  or  the  boundaries  of  Babylonia.  In  many 
of  his  measures  the  later  king  imitated  the  earlier,  — 
in  the  personal  leadership  of  his  troops,  in  the  imposi- 
tion of  tribute  upon  conquered  countries  and  the 
requirement  of  hostages,  in  the  deportation  of  subdued 
populations,  and  in  the  treatment  of  enemies.  On 
the  other  hand,  in  some  respects,  Ashurnagirpal  shows 
himself  in  advance  of  his  predecessor.  His  army  was 
improved  by  the  addition  of  a  cavalry  squadron, 
supplementing  the  infantry  and  chariots.  This  first 
appears  in  the  Zamuan  campaigns,  and  is  developed  in 
the  western  wars,  where  it  may  have  been  modelled 
after  the  Aramean  cavalry.  It  was  certainly  useful 
in  following  up  the  Bedouin  when  foot-soldiers  and 
chariots  would  have  been  useless ;  it  formed  thence- 
forth a  constantly  enlarging  division  of  the  Assyrian 


MILITARY   IMPROVEMENTS  195 

force.  Another  measure  of  the  king  was  the  incor- 
poration of  the  troops  of  subject  peoples  in  his  army. 
This  appears  on  the  largest  scale  in  his  Syrian  expedi- 
tion, in  which  he  added,  successively,  the  soldiers  of 
the  Aramean  communities  on  the  Euphrates,  of  Kar- 
khemish,  and  of  Patin.  While  the  desire  to  leave  no 
enemies  in  his  rear  may  have  been  a  partial  ground 
of  this  action,  it  is  probable  that  these  detachments 
continued  to  remain  under  his  control  and  were 
carried  with  him  to  Kalkhi.  There  he  seems  to  have 
established  a  great  military  centre,  where  these  and 
other  troops  were  maintained  and  drilled.  In  this 
procedure  he  solved  a  standing  problem  of  Assyrian 
politics,  namely,  how  to  continue  the  wars  without 
drawing  too  heavily  on  Assyria's  citizens.  While 
thereby  introducing  elements  of  serious  danger  into 
the  state,  he  was,  nevertheless,  enabled  thus  to  hand 
do^vn  to  his  successor  an  undiminished  power,  and 
make  it  possible  for  him  to  undertake  an  even  greater 
series  of  military  operations. 

167.  In  organizing  his  conquered  territory  the  king 
made  a  distinct  advance.  A  line  of  Assyrian  outposts 
was  established.  Some  of  these  guarded  exposed  dis- 
tricts; others  formed  the  central  points  of  regions 
more  or  less  geographically  compacted.  Of  the  former 
class  were  Atlila,  called  Dur  Assur,  in  Zamua  on  the 
Elamite-Babylonian  border,  the  fortified  post  of 
Tukulti-ashur-a^bat  among  the  eastern  mountains, 
the  city  of  Ashurnagirpal  at  the  sources  of  the  Tigris, 
the  "  royal  cities "  Damdamusa  in  the  northwest 
and  Uda  in  Kashiari,  the  two  fortresses  on  opposite 
sides  of  the  Euphrates  (sect.  164),  and  Aribua  in 
Patin,  apparently  guarding  the  Orontes  valley.     To 


196  ASSYRIA 

the  latter  type  belonged  Kakzi,  in  the  eastern 
Assyrian  plain,  the  starting-point  of  the  Zamuan  cam- 
paigns, and  Tushkha  in  Kirkhi,  where  the  king  built 
a  palace  and  granaries.  Various  officials  represented 
Assyria  in  these  districts.  Their  names  and  jurisdic- 
tion are  not  altogether  clear.  Sometimes  the  former 
rulers  were  confirmed  in  their  dignities  on  submission 
to  the  conqueror,  or  native  nobles  were  chosen, 
whose  exaltation  to  posts  of  honor  and  influence 
would  be  expected  to  insure  their  fidelity.  Thus,  the 
zahil  kuduri,  stationed  among  the  northern  peoples,  had 
charge  of  the  collection  and  delivery  of  tribute  to  the 
king.  The  exact  duties  of  a  (/^pw,  the  honorable  title 
given  to  local  chiefs,  are  not  defined.  An  office  of 
higher  and  wider  jurisdiction  is  that  of  shaknu,  which 
may  be  held  by  a  native  chief  or,  in  some  cases  appar- 
ently, by  an  Assyrian  noble  who,  in  important  terri- 
tories like  those  of  the  Kirkhi  and  Nairi,  is  responsible 
directly  to  the  king.  The  position  of  the  urasi, 
another  personage  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions,  may 
have  been  hardly  more  than  that  of  "resident"  in 
cities  under  Assyrian  control.  The  placing  of  Assyr- 
ian colonists  in  some  of  the  cities,  though  not  a  new 
measure,  is  with  all  the  rest  a  significant  indication 
of  the  new  beginning  of  systematic  endeavors  toward 
close  supervision  and  control  of  the  subjugated 
lands. 

168.  The  method  of  Ashurnagirpal  in  reducing 
many  of  these  regions  to  subjection  was  so  severe  as 
potently  to  aid  in  holding  them  to  A  ssyi-ian  allegiance. 
One  illustration,  drawn  from  the  conqueror's  own 
account  of  the  overtlirow  of  Tela  on  the  slopes  of 
Kashiari,  is  sufficient; 


THE  TREATMENT  OF  ENEMIES  197 

I  drew  near  to  the  city  of  Tela.  The  city  was  very 
strong ;  three  walls  surrounded  it.  The  inhabitants 
trusted  to  their  strong  walls  and  numerous  soldiers; 
they  did  not  come  down  or  embrace  my  feet.  With 
battle  and  slaughter  I  assaulted  and  took  the  city. 
Three  thousand  warriors  I  slew  in  battle.  Their  booty 
and  possessions,  cattle,  sheep,  I  carried  away;  many 
captives  I  burned  with  fire.  Many  of  their  soldiers  I 
took  alive ;  of  some  I  cut  off  hands  and  limbs ;  of  others 
the  noses,  ears,  and  arms;  of  many  soldiers  I  put  out 
the  eyes.  I  reared  a  column  of  the  living  and  a  column 
of  heads.  I  hung  up  on  high  their  heads  on  trees  in 
the  vicinity  of  their  city.  Their  boys  and  girls  I  burned 
up  in  the  flame.  I  devastated  the  city,  dug  it  up,  in 
fire  burned  it  ;  I  annihilated  it  (Standard  Inscr.,  col.  i. 
113-118). 

Such  punishment  was  reserved  for  those  communities 
which  once  under  Assyrian  authority  now  offered 
opposition.  This  was  regarded  as  rebellion  and  pun- 
ished by  extermination,  or  by  penalties  which  rendered 
the  unhappy  survivors  a  warning  to  their  neighbors. 
Native  officials,  once  trusted  by  their  Assyrian  mas- 
ters, but  afterwards  rebellious,  were,  when  captured, 
flayed  alive  and  their  skins  hung  upon  the  city  walls. 
Communities  for  the  first  time  summoned  to  submit 
to  Assyria,  if  they  resisted,  were  subject  to  the  ordi- 
nary fate  of  the  conquered,  but  not  otherwise  treated 
with  special  cruelty.  The  opposition  encountered  by 
Ashurnagirpal  was  usually  not  very  strong ;  the  cities 
were  beaten  in  detail ;  they  had  not  yet  learned  how 
to  unite  against  the  common  enemy.  The  numbers 
definitely  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  indicate  a 
total  of  less  than  thirty  thousand  soldiers  slain  by 
the  Assyrians  in  all  these  campaigns,  but  this  esti- 


198  ASSYRIA 

mate  does  not  probably  include  more  than  a  third  of 
the  persons  who  perished  in  the  storming  of  the  cities. 
Without  doubt  the  stress  of  suffering  fell  upon  the 
northern  mountaineers,  for  more  than  half  of  the 
slain  recorded  by  the  king  belong  to  this  region, 
which  evidently  had  caused  the  chief  trouble  and 
required  the  most  strenuous  efforts  to  keep  under 
control.  In  fact,  the  last  campaign  of  Ashurna§ir- 
pal,  in  his  eighteenth  year  (867  B.  c),  directed 
against  the  districts  to  the  northwest,  was  some- 
thing of  a  failure.  The  city  of  Amid  seems  to  have 
held  out,  and  further  trouble  was  promised  for  the 
future. 

169.  The  importance  of  the  conquests  is  shown  in 
the  long  lists  of  the  spoil  and  tribute  obtained,  beside 
which  the  booty  of  Tiglathpileser  I.  seems  insignifi- 
cant. Least  productive  were  the  lands  of  Zamua,  yet 
they  had  one  important  and  indispensable  product,  the 
splendid  horses  raised  on  their  plateaus  and  famed 
throughout  the  Orient.  From  all  the  mountain  re- 
gions  came  cattle  and  sheep  in  countless  numbers, 
besides  wine  and  corn.  Of  precious  metals,  these 
districts  produced  copper,  which  was  manufactured  in 
various  forms,  and  gold  and  silver.  The  Aramean 
communities  of  the  western  Mesopotamian  plain  were 
the  most  remunerative,  and  their  spoil  reveals  the 
wealth  and  civilization  of  that  region.  Even  the 
Aramean  states  to  the  west  of  the  sources  of  the  Tigris 
contributed,  besides  horses,  cattle,  and  sheep,  chariots 
and  harness,  armor,  silver,  gold,  lead,  copper,  varie- 
gated garments  and  linen  cloths,  wood  and  metal 
work,  and  furniture  in  ivory  and  gold.  To  these  the 
chief  of  Bit  Adini  added  ivory  plates,  couches  and 


ASHURNAgiRPAL'S  PALACE  199 

thrones,  gold  beads  and  pendants  and  weapons  of 
gold ;  the  king  of  Karkhemish,  cloths  of  purple  light 
and  dark,  marvellous  furniture,  silver  baskets,  pre- 
cious woods  and  stones,  elephant  tusks  and  female 
slaves  ;  and  Syria,  her  fragrant  cedars  and  the  other 
woods  of  her  mountain-forests. 

170.  Abundant  opportunity  for  the  use  and  bestow- 
ment  of  these  spoils  of  war  was  given  in  the  king's 
building  enterprises  at  his  capital  of  Kalkhi.  Besides 
the  temple  already  referred  to  (sect.  162),  his  crown- 
ing work  was  his  magnificent  palace.  This  stood  on 
the  western  side  of  a  rectangular  platform  which  was 
reared  along  the  east  bank  of  the  Tigris  from  north 
to  south.  Around  its  base  to  the  north  and  east  lay 
the  city.  The  palace  itself  was  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  feet  square  ;  its  entrances  looked  northward 
upon  the  great  temple  structure  that  occupied  the 
northwestern  corner  of  the  platform  and  overhung  the 
city  and  the  river.  A  series  of  long  narrow  galleries, 
lined  with  sculptured  alabaster  slabs,  surrounded  a 
court  in  size  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  by  one 
hundred  feet.  The  chief  of  these  rooms,  probably 
a  throne  chamber,  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  by 
thirty-three  feet,  still  contains  at  its  eastern  end  the 
remains  of  a  dais  which  once  may  have  supported 
the  throne.  On  the  slabs  were  wrought,  in  low  relief, 
scenes  from  the  life  and  experiences  of  the  king. 
Now  he  offers  thanksgiving  for  the  slaying  of  a  wild 
ox  or  a  lion ;  now  he  pursues  the  fleeing  enemy  in 
his  chariots  ;  now  his  army  besieges  a  city,  or  advances 
to  the  attack  across  a  river,  or,  led  by  the  king, 
marches  through  the  mountains.  Everywhere  inscrip- 
tions commemorate  his  achievements  and  recite  his  ti- 


200  ASSYRIA 

ties.  At  the  doorways  stood  the  monstrous  man-headed 
bulls,  or  lions,  only  head  and  shoulders  completely 
wrought  out,  as  if  leaping  forth  from  the  wall,  the 
rest  still  half  sculptured  in  the  stone,  —  divine  spirits 
guarding  the  entrances.  Scenes  of  religious  worship 
abound,  gods,  spirits,  and  heroes  engaged  in  exercises 
of  which  the  meaning  is  not  yet  clear.  Everywhere 
is  the  combination  of  energy  with  repose,  of  massive 
strength  with  dignity  ;  though  crude  and  imperfect  in 
the  technique  of  the  sculptor,  the  reliefs  are  the  most 
vivid  and  lifelike  achievements  of  Assyrian  art,  the 
counterpart  in  stone  of  the  grandiose  story  of  the 
king's  campaigns,  which  is  written  above  and  on  either 
side  of  them.  The  narrow  galleries  were  spanned 
with  cedar  beams  and  decorated  with  silver  and  gold 
and  bronze.  The  priceless  ivories  of  the  west,  show- 
ing by  subject  and  style  the  unmistakable  influence  of 
Egypt,  have  been  picked  up  from  the  palace  floors  by 
modern  explorers.  All  was  a  wonderful  commentary 
upon  AshurnaQirpal's  own  words : 

A  palace  for  my  royal  dwelling-place,  for  the  glorious 
seat  of  my  royalty,  I  founded  for  ever  and  splendidly 
planned  it.  I  surrounded  it  with  a  cornice  (?)  of  copper. 
Sculptures  of  the  creatures  of  land  and  sea  carved  in 
"  alabaster,"  I  made  and  placed  them  at  the  doors. 
Lofty  door-posts  of  .  .  .  wood  I  made,  and  sheathed 
them  with  copper  and  set  them  up  in  the  gates.  Thrones 
of  "costly"  woods,  dishes  of  ivory  containing  silver, 
gold,  lead,  copper,  and  iron,  the  spoil  of  my  hand,  taken 
from  conquered  lands  I  deposited  therein.  (Monolith 
Inscr.,  concl.  12-24). 

The  king  had  a  palace  in  Nineveh  also,  and  built 
temples  there  and  elsewhere.     The  evidence  of  his 


ESTIMATE  OF  ASHURXAgiRPAL  201 

having  contributed  to  the  inner  development  of  his 
country  is  not  abundant.  An  aqueduct  to  supply 
Kalkhi  with  water  drawn  from  the  upper  Zab  was  re- 
ferred to ;  it  brought  fruitfulness  to  the  surrounding 
country,  as  its  name  ^*  producer  of  fertility  "  proves. 
The  rebuilding  of  Kalkhi,  and  the  wealth  in  cattle  and 
sheep,  as  well  as  other  property,  brought  in  by  the 
successful  wars,  must  be  regarded  as  most  important 
contributions  to  Assyrian  economic  resources. 

171.  Varying  judgments  have  been  passed  on  the 
character  of  Ashurnagirpal.  Of  his  energy  there  can 
be  no  question.  As  hunter  and  warrior  he  was 
untiring  and  resistless.  But  to  some  he  is  chiefly  a 
monster  of  remorseless  cruelty,  whose  joy  it  was  to 
maim,  flay,  burn,  or  impale  his  conquered  enemies. 
If  this  verdict  is  finally  to  be  rendered,  he  will  be 
convicted  out  of  his  own  mouth,  for  the  evidence 
is  derived  solely  from  his  frank,  unsoftened  narra- 
tive of  his  own  ruthless  barbarities.  But  while  they 
are  not  to  be  palliated,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
war  has  since  engendered  even  more  hideous  crimes, 
of  which  his  narrative  shows  him  to  be  guiltless ;  that 
in  an  iron  age,  when  Assyria  was  recovering  from 
a  century  of  dishonor  and  collapse,  fierce  and  bloody 
vengeance  had  come  to  be  the  rule  ;  and  that  in  almost 
every  instance  these  last  penalties  were  inflicted  upon 
communities  which,  from  the  Assyrian  point  of  view, 
had  violated  their  pledges  to  God  and  man.  It  is  evi- 
dent, moreover,  that  the  statements  of  tho  king  are 
not  inspired  by  the  lust  of  cruelty  and  blood,  but 
liave  been  inscribed  with  the  same  purpose  as  that 
with  which  the  punishments  were  inflicted,  —  to  strike 
terror  into  the  heart  of  the  opposer  and  to  warn  the 


202  ASSYRIA 

intending  rebel  of  his  fate.  That  this  verdict  is  more 
reasonable  is  strengthened  by  the  probability  that, 
with  the  sole  exception  of  the  campaign  of  867  B.  c, 
the  king's  wars  ceased  before  his  reign  was  half  over. 
The  lesson  had  been  learned,  and  the  king,  having 
taught  it  in  this  savage  fashion,  was  well  content  to 
turn  his  energies  to  the  pursuits  of  peace.  Of  these 
latter  years  there  is  but  scanty  record.  Wisely  to 
govern  a  peaceful  empire  had  not  yet  come  to  stand 
among  the  glories  of  monarchs.  Nevertheless  in  the 
remarkable  statue  of  Ashurna^irpal  found  in  the  tem- 
ple of  Ninib,  not  far  from  his  palace,  "  the  only  extant 
perfect  Assyrian  royal  statue  in  the  round,"  a  sugges- 
tion is  given  of  the  statesman  as  well  as  the  warrior. 
A  rude  heroic  figure,  he  stands  upright  before  the 
god,  looking  straight  forward,  his  brawny  arms  bare, 
the  left  hand  holding  to  his  breast  the  mace,  weapon 
of  the  soldier,  but  the  right  dropped  by  his  side, 
grasping  the  sceptre,  emblematic  of  the  shepherd  of 
his  people. 


Ill 


THE  ADVANCE  INTO  SYRIA  AND  THE  RISE  OF 
URARTU:  FROM  SHALMANKSER  XL  TO  THE  FALL 
OF   HIS   HOUSE.     860-745   B.C. 

172.  For  more  than  a  century  after  the  death  of 
Ashurna§irpal  (860  B.C.)  his  descendants  occupied 
the  throne  of  Assyria.  The  period  is  one  of  great 
variety  in  details  ;  new  peoples  come  upon  the  scene 
as  the  empire  widens ;  new  political  problems  appear 
for  solution  in  the  increasing  complexity  of  the 
field  and  the  factors  involved  ;  inner  difficulties  arise 
the  presence  of  which  is  not  easily  to  be  accounted 
for,  though  of  obvious  significance;  the  dynasty  at 
last  gives  way  to  a  successful  revolution.  But,  in  the 
main  features,  the  historical  development  of  Assyria 
continues  as  before,  with  the  same  lines  of  policy, 
the  same  unwearied  military  activity,  the  same  un- 
ceasing effort  after  expansion,  the  same  methods  of 
government,  the  same  relations  to  peoples  without. 
Accordingly,  to  trace  in  repetitious  detail  the  cam- 
paigns of  the  several  kings  in  turn,  would  be  weari- 
some and  unprofitable.  Their  work  may  be  considered 
as  a  whole,  its  general  features  described,  and  its 
results  summarized,  while  the  special  achievements 
of  each  ruler  are  properly  appreciated.  Ashurnagirpal 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Shalmaneser  II.,  whose 
thirty-five  years  of  reigning  (860-825  B.  c.)  were  one 


204  ASSYRIA 

long  military  campaign.  Either  under  his  own 
leadership,  or  that  of  his  commanding  general,  the 
Turtati^  his  armies  marched  in  all  directions,  coercing 
rebellious  vassals,  and  collecting  their  tribute,  or 
seeking  new  peoples  to  conquer.  An  obelisk  of  black 
basalt  records  in  brief  sentences,  year  by  year,  thirty- 
two  of  these  expeditions,  and  its  testimony  is  supple- 
mented on  the  other  monuments  of  the  king  by 
fuller  accounts  of  particular  achievements.  His  son, 
Shamshi  Adad  IV.,  reigned  less  than  half  as  long  as 
his  father  (825-812  B.  c),  and  has  left,  as  his 
memorial,  a  monolith,  the  inscription  of  which  covers 
only  half  of  his  years.  Adadnirari  III.  followed 
(812-783  B.C.),  ascending  the  throne  of  his  father, 
apparently,  in  early  youth,  but  ruling  with  great 
energy  and  splendor  for  nearly  thirty  years.  Un- 
fortunately, no  satisfactory  annals  of  his  reign  have 
been  preserved.  Royal  inscriptions  from  the  next 
three  kings  utterly  fail.  Shalmaneser  III.  (783- 
773  B.C.),  Ashurdan  III.  (773-755  B.C.),  and 
Ashurnirari  II.  (755-745  B.  c.)  are  known  to  us 
from  the  limu  list  alone,  where  the  brief  references 
to  years  without  campaigns,  to  pestilence  and  revolt, 
tell  the  melancholy  story  of  imperial  decay,  until, 
with  the  last  of  the  three,  the  dynasty  fell,  and  a 
usurper  seized  the  crown. 

173.  Beyond  a  few  facts,  little  is  known  of  the 
political  organization  and  economic  development  of 
Assyria  during  this  century.  In  the  time  of  Shalma- 
neser II.  and  his  two  successors,  the  spoil  of  subject 
peoples  continued  to  flow  in  abundantly,  precious 
metals  and  manufactured  articles  from  the  west, 
com,  wine,  and  domestic  animals  from  the  north  and 


ORGANIZATION  OF  TRIBUTE  205 

east.  Among  the  latter,  two-humped  dromedaries,  re- 
ceived from  the  far  northeast,  obtained  special  mention 
as  novelties,  and  point  to  the  control  of  a  trade  route 
from  the  upper  Iranian  plateau.  Shalmaneser  seems 
to  have  taken  a  step  forward,  in  the  imposition  of  a 
regular  and  definite  yearly  tribute  upon  certain  com- 
munities. Thus  the  kingdom  of  Patin  paid  one 
talent  of  silver,  two  talents  of  purple  cloth,  and  two 
hundred  (?)  cedar  beams ;  another  king,  at  the  foot 
of  Mount  Amanus,  ten  mina  of  silver,  two  hundred 
cedar  beams,  and  other  products  of  cedar;  Kar- 
khemish  paid  sixty  mina  of  gold,  one  talent  of  silver, 
and  two  talents  of  purple  cloth ;  Qummukh,  twenty 
mina  of  silver,  and  three  hundred  cedar  beams.  A 
prescribed  number  of  horses  broken  to  the  yoke  was 
required  from  the  northern  tribes.  These  requisitions 
are  more  moderate  than  were  the  spoils  gained  in  the 
descents  of  the  armies  upon  the  various  subject 
regions,  and  indicate  that  already  the  Assyrian  kings 
perceived  the  wisdom  of  adjusting  their  demands  to 
the  resources  of  the  lands  under  their  sway.  Much 
less  harshness  in  the  wars  is  recorded.  Measures 
like  those  of  Ashurnagirpal  were  reserved  for  the  few 
peoples  whose  rebellious  spirit  or  persistent  hostility 
seemed  to  justify  extreme  penalties.  Indeed,  revolts 
became  less  frequent,  because  during  this  period  the 
empire  was  becoming  more  compact  by  the  direct 
incorporation  of  regions  long  subject  to  Assyrian 
authority.  A  striking  illustration  of  this  fact  is 
found  in  the  limu  list,  in  which  a  regular  order  in  the 
succession  of  officials  seems  to  be  established.  In  it 
appear  governors  of  cities  and  districts  along  the 
borders,  such  as  Rayappa  (Reseph)  on  the  right  bank 


206  ASSYRIA 

of  the  Euphrates,  Arpakha  on  the  Elamite  border, 
Nagibina  (Nisibis)  in  northern  Mesopotamia,  Amid 
and  Tushkha  in  the  northern  mountains,  Guzana 
(Gozan)  in  western  Mesopotamia,  Kirruri,  and 
Mazamua,  in  the  northeastern  mountains.  To  have 
occupied  places  in  this  honorable  list,  the  occupants 
of  such  posts  must  have  been  in  intimate  association 
with  the  court,  and  their  administrative  activity  in 
immediate  dependence  on  the  central  power. 

174.  The  usual  internal  troubles  that  beset  oriental 
monarchies  appeared  in  this  century  in  Assyria. 
Family  difficulties  in  the  reigning  house  broke  out 
/in  the  rebellion  of 'Shalmaneser's  son  Ashurdaninpal 
in  the  thirty-third  year  of  his  father's  reign.  The 
cause  is  not  difficult  to  comprehend.  Six  years 
before,  Shalmaneser  had  handed  over  the  leadership 
of  his  military  expeditions  to  his  Turtan,  Dain  Ashur. 
To  this  evidence  of  his  own  growing  weakness,  and 
the  natural  fear,  on  the  part  of  his  sons,  of  the  usur- 
pation of  the  throne  by  this  general,  is,  perhaps,  to 
be  added  a  palace  intrigue,  which  threatened  the 
future  accession  of  Ashurdaninpal  by  the  putting 
forward  of  another  son  of  Shalmaneser,  Shamshi  Adad, 
as  a  candidate  for  the  throne.  The  rebellion  was  a 
very  serious  one,  involving  twenty-seven  cities  of  the 
empire,  among  which  were  Nineveh,  Assur,  Arbela, 
Imgur  Bel,  Amid,  and  Til-abni.  Kalkhi  and,  appar- 
ently, the  army  were,  however,  faithful  to  the  king. 
In  the  midst  of  this  civil  war  Shalmaneser  died, 
and,  only  after  it  had  endured  six  years,  was  Shamshi 
Adad  able  to  bring  it  to  a  close  and  make  sui'e  his 
title  to  the  crown.  The  blow  inflicted  upon  the 
centres  of  Assyrian  life  must  have  been  very  severe. 


llEVOLTS  IN   THE   CITIES  20? 

Sixty  years  after  tliis,  another  revolt  is  chronicled, 
the  causes  of  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  foreign 
politics  of  Assyria.  The  rising  kingdom  of  Urartu 
was  steadily  encroaching  upon  Assyria  all  along  the 
northern  border  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean,  and  the 
kings  were  being  forced  into  a  defensive  attitude  in 
spite  of  all  their  efforts.  Thus  Assyrian  military 
pride  was  wounded,  and  mercantile  prestige  was 
crippled.  A  total  eclipse  of  the  sun  occurring  on 
June  15,  763  b.  c,  was  thought  the  favorable  moment 
for  raising  the  standard  of  rebellion  in  the  city  of 
Assur.  A  line  drawn  across  the  limu  list  at  this 
year  suggests  the  setting  up  of  a  rival  king  in  that 
city.  The  revolt  spread  to  Arbakha  in  the  east,  and 
Gozan  in  the  west,  but  was  finally  subdued.  In 
746  B.  c,  however,  another  insurrection  broke  out 
in  the  imperial  military  city  of  Kalkhi.  Ashurnirari 
II.  had  been  satisfied  to  spend  more  than  half  his 
regnal  years  without  making  any  military  expeditions, 
and,  though  in  itself  the  fact  does  not  account  for 
the  revolt,  since  the  latter  half  of  the  great  Ashur- 
nagirpal's  reign  is  likewise  unmarked  by  wars,  it 
reveals  the  manifest  inability  of  this  ruler  to  cope 
with  the  threatening  foreign  difficulties.  The  atti- 
tude of  the  army  was  decisive,  and  Ashurnirari 
disappeared  before  a  military  leader  who  became  king 
in  745  B.  c.  under  the  title  of  Tiglathpileser  III. 

175.  While  in  these  last  troubled  years  the  pros- 
perity of  the  state  must  have  been  severely  shaken, 
the  earlier  and  more  successful  kings  show,  in  their 
inscriptions  and  public  works,  that  they  were  not  be- 
hind Ashurnagirpal  in  the  development  of  the  higher 
life  of  the  nation.    Shalmaneser  II.  seems  to  have 


•  208  ASSYRIA 

resided  at  Assur  and  Nineveh  in  his  early  years,  and 
in  each  of  these  cities  traces  of  his  building  operations 
remain.  Kalkhi,  however,  was  his  real  capital,  and 
here,  in  the  centre  of  the  great  mound  (sect.  170),  he 
built  his  palace,  of  which,  unfortunately,  but  few 
remains  have  been  found.  In  it  stood  the  "  Black 
Obelisk  "  (sect.  172),  and  two  gigantic  winged  bulls 
carved  in  high  relief  on  slabs  fourteen  feet  square, 
inscribed  with  accounts  of  the  royal  campaigns 
(Layard,  N.  and  R.,  I.  pp.  59,  280  £f.).  Toward  the 
/close  of  his  reign  the  king  rebuilt  the  wall  of  Assur  in 
stone,  and  left  there  a  statue  of  himself  seated  on  his 
throne.  At  Imgur  Bel,  nine  miles  east  of  Kalkhi, 
were  found  the  most  splendid  remains  of  the  artistic 
skill  of  his  reign,  the  bronze  sheathings  of  what  seems 
to  be  a  wooden  gate  with  double  doors,  twenty-seven 
feet  in  height.  These  bronze  plates  were  ornamented 
with  scenes  done  in  repouss^  work,  representing 
events  in  the  various  expeditions  of  the  king.  A 
sacrifice  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Van,  the  storming  of 
a  fortress  in  Nairi,  the  receipt  of  tribute  from  Syria, 
the  burning  of  a  captured  city  —  are  some  of  the 
subjects,  the  treatment  of  which  is  bold  and  spirited, 
and  differs  from  the  work  of  the  earlier  period  chiefly 
in  the  variety  of  detail,  suggestive  of  the  different 
localities  in  which  the  scenes  are  placed.  Skill  in  the 
handling  of  the  metal,  sharpness  of  observation,  and 
an  artistic  eye  in  the  choice  of  scenes  testify  to  the 
remarkable  attainments  of  the  royal  artists.  The 
inscriptions  of  the  several  kings  do  not  differ  largely 
from  the  conventional  form  adopted  from  earlier 
models.  That  of  Shamshi  Adad,  indeed,  evinces  a 
certain  freedom  of  characterization,  indicating  soma 


CULTURE   AND  RELIGION  209 

independence  in  the  details  of  literary  expression,  but 
otherwise  the  same  annalistic  form  and  traditional 
figures  of  speech  prevail.  Few  other  literary  remains 
have  survived.  To  Shalmaneser  II.  is  ascribed  the 
foundation  at  Kalkhi  of  the  royal  library.  It  had  a 
librarian  who  cared  for  its  collections.  The  works 
were  chiefly  Babylonian  classical  religious  texts,  either 
in  originals  brought  from  the  south  as  the  spoil  of 
war,  or  copies  made  by  scribes.  The  stock  of  books 
was  still  further  increased  under  Adadnirari  III.  and 
Ashurnirari  II.  Under  the  former  king  was  produced 
the  diplomatic  document  known  as  the  "  Synchronistic 
History  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia,"  a  summary  of  the 
political  relations  between  the  kings  of  these  countries 
from  the  earliest  period  (sect.  30).  The  influence  of 
Assyrian  culture  of  the  time  on  its  environment  is 
illustrated  by  the  royal  inscriptions  of  the  kings  of 
Urartu,  who  at  first  write  in  the  Assyrian  language, 
and  later  employ  the  Assyrian  script  for  their  native 
speech. 

176.  The  religious  life  of  the  times  receives  light 
from  several  sides.  The  inscriptions  of  the  kings, 
while  still  emphasizing  the  warlike  side  of  religion 
and  glorifying  the  gods  of  war,  reveal  a  tendency  to 
exalt  the  ethical  element.  Particularly  the  ranging 
of  the  sun-god  Shamash  alongside  of  the  national 
deity  Ashur  as  the  guide  and  inspirer  of  the  king, 
and  the  epithets  applied  to  him  such  as  "judge  of  the 
world,"  "  ordainer  of  all  things,"  "director  of  man- 
kind," and  —  though  this  is  uncertain  —  "  lord  of 
law,"  suggest  the  development  of  a  sense  of  order 
and  justice  in  the  government  (Jastrow,  Rel.  of  Bab. 
and  Assyr.,  p.  210).     A  new  emphasis  on  culture  is 

14 


210  ASSYRIA 

indicated  by  the  high  place  ascribed  in  the  reign  of 
Adadnirari  III.  to  the  Babylonian  god  of  wisdom  and 
learning,  Nabu.  A  temple  was  built  for  him  on  the 
mound  of  Kalkhi,  and  his  statues  were  placed  within 
it.  On  one  of  them,  prepared  in  honor  of  the  king  and 
the  queen,  an  inscription,  glorifying  the  god  as  the 
clear-eyed,  i;he  patron  of  the  arts,  the  holder  of  the  pen, 
whose  attribute  is  wisdom,  whose  power  is  unequalled, 
and  without  whom  no  decision  in  heaven  is  made, 
clbses  with  the  exhortation  "  O  Posterity,  trust  in 
Nabu;  trust  not  in  any  other  god!  "  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  occasion  to  make  so  much  of  this  god 
at  this  time,  it  is  clear  that  he  represented  to  the 
Assyrians  an  ideal  of  life  never  before  so  attractive 
to  them  and  suggestive  of  their  higher  aspirations. 

177.  Turning  to  the  first  of  those  fields  of  aggres- 
sive activity  in  which  Assyria  made  distinct  advance, 
it  appears  that  in  the  year  852  b.  c.  Babylonia  engaged 
the  attention  of  Shalmaneser  II.  Nabupaliddin,  its 
king,  a  vigorous  defender  of  his  state  against  the 
Arameans,  had  succeeded  in  keeping  free  from  hos- 
tilities with  Ashurnagirpal  and  had  even  made  alliance 
with  Shalmaneser  II.  After  a  long  reign  of  at  least 
thirty-one  years,  his  people  deposed  him,  and  his  son 
Marduknadinshum  succeeded  to  the  throne,  which  was 
contested  by  his  brother,  Mardukbelusate.  The  latter, 
having  his  strength  in  the  eastern  provinces  with  their 
more  vigorous  population,  was  pressing  hard  upon  his 
brother,  who  held  Babylon  and  the  other  cities  of 
western  and  middle  Babylonia.  Marduknadinshum 
appealed  to  Shalmaneser  II.  for  aid,  which  was 
promptly  granted.  In  the  two  campaigns  of  852- 
851  B.  c.  the  Assyrian  king  overtlu-ew  and  killed  the 


RELATIONS  WITH  BABYLON  211 

usurper,  and  restored  the  kingdom  to  iNIarduknadin- 
shum,  who  naturally  became  a  vassal.  As  a  sign  of 
supremacy  and  with  the  customary  reverence  of  an 
Assyrian  king  for  the  shrines  of  Babylonia,  Shalma- 
neser  visited  the  temples  of  Babylon,  Borsippa,  and 
Kutha,  and  made  rich  offerings  to  the  gods.  Two 
hundred  and  fifty  years  had  passed  since  an  Assyrian 
king  had  entered  Babylon,  and  now  the  Assyrian 
suzerainty  was  acknowledged  by  the  legitimate  Baby- 
lonian king,  of  his  own  accord.  Shalmaneser  found 
the  kingdom  beset  by  its  southern  neighbors,  the 
Kaldi  (sect.  155),  who  had  organized  petty  kingdoms 
and  were  constantly  pushing  up  from  the  coast.  He 
advanced  against  them,  defeated  one  of  their  kings, 
and  laid  tribute  upon  them.  The  suzerainty  of 
Assyria  was  thrown  off  by  Babylon,  possibly  in  the 
time  of  the  rebelHon  of  Ashurdaninpal,  and  was  re- 
established by  Shamshi  Adad  in  818  b.  c,  who,  how- 
ever, according  to  the  limu  list,  occupied  the  last  five 
years  of  his  reign  in  expeditions  to  Babylonian  cities, 
and  bequeathed  the  problem  to  his  successor.  Adad- 
nirari  III.,  after  an  expedition  in  his  first  years,  in 
which  he  fully  restored  Assyrian  supremacy,  appears 
to  have  entered  into  very  close  relations  with  the 
southern  kingdom.  The  completion  of  the  so-called 
"  Synchronistic  History  "  in  his  reign  marks  a  final 
stage  in  the  boundary  dispute  between  the  two  states. 
The  building  of  the  Nabu  temple  at  Kalkhi  is  an 
evidence  of  his  regard  for  things  Babylonian.  The 
mention  in  the  inscription  on  the  statue  of  Nabu 
(sect.  176)  of  the  Queen  Sammuramat,  the  "  lady  of 
the  palace,"  to  whom,  together  with  the  king,  the 
statue  is  dedicated,  has  given  rise  to  a  variety  of 


212  ASSYRIA 

interesting  comment.  That  she  should  be  named  in 
this  connection  suggests  that  she  was  active  in  the 
new  Babylonian  worship,  and  that,  therefore,  she  may 
have  been  herself  a  Babylonian  princess,  either  wife 
or  mother  of  the  king.  The  similarity  of  the  name 
Semiramis,  the  famous  queen  mentioned  by  Herodotus 
(I.  184)  as  ruling  over  Babylon,  has  suggested  the 
identity  of  the  two  royal  ladies,  but  without  much 
gain  tp  history  thereby.  The  activity  of  the  three 
last  k^hgs  of  the  family,  so  far  as  Babylonia  was  con- 
cerned, was  consumed  in  expeditions  against  the 
Ituha,  Aramean  tribes  in  lower  Mesopotamia,  who 
evidently  interfered  with  the  communications  between 
the  two  countries.  Adadnirari  had  already  found 
them  troublesome.  Whether  the  later  kings  of  the 
dynasty  exercised  supremacy  over  the  southern  king- 
dom is  uncertain  with  the  probabilities  against  it  in 
view  of  the  growing  weakness  of  the  royal  house.  A 
remarkable  and  as  yet  inexplicable  fact  is  that  with 
NabunaQir,  who  became  king  in  Babylonia  in  747  B.  c, 
the  famous  Canon  of  Ptolemy  begins,  as  well  as  the 
Babylonian  Chronicle,  as  though  the  accession  of  this 
ruler  marked  an  epoch  in  the  development  of  the 
state.  Yet  no  historical  memorials  in  our  possession 
suggest  any  special  change  in  Babylonian  affairs. 

178.  The  Babylonian  problem  was  neither  so  serious 
nor  so  insistent  as  those  of  the  west  and  the  north. 
Ashurnagirpal  had  subdued  the  west  Mesopotaraian 
states  up  and  down  the  Euphrates,  and,  in  his  one 
Syrian  expedition,  had  made  the  Assyrian  name 
known  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean.  His  successors 
proceeded  to  make  that  name  supreme  between  the 
great  river  and  the  sea,  from  tlie  Amanus  to  the  Leb- 


MOVEMENT  AGAINST  SYRIA  218 

anons.  Before  advancing  thither,  however,  Shalma- 
neser  had  to  make  good  his  title  to  the  Aramean  states 
which  had  yielded  to  his  father.  Upon  his  accession 
Akhuni  of  Bit  Adini  (sects.  163  f.)  rebelled,  and  four 
years  (859-856  b.  c.)  were  needed  to  subjugate  him. 
With  great  ability  he  had  formed  a  league  of  states 
on  either  side  of  the  Euphrates,  as  far  as  Patin,  to 
repel  the  Assyrian  advance,  —  a  method  of  resistance 
in  which  the  southern  Syrian  states  were  soon  to  imi- 
tate him  with  greater  success.  Unfortunately  the 
league  fell  to  pieces  on  its  first  defeat.  Akhuni 
fought  on  alone  desperately  for  three  years,  but  was 
finally  captured  and  taken  to  the  city  of  Assur. 
Northern  Syria  as  represented  in  the  states  of  Kar- 
khemish,  Samal,  and  Patin,  had  already  done  homage. 
The  way  was  open  to  the  south.  Planting  Assyrian 
colonists  at  important  centres  and  leaving  garrisons 
in  the  chief  cities  of  Bit  Adini  to  which  he  gave 
Assyrian  names,  the  king  marched  to  the  southwest 
in  854  B.  c.  A  new  country  lay  before  him,  as  yet 
untrodden  by  an  Assyrian  army. 

179.  Three  leading  states  divided  the  region  between 
them ;  namely,  Hamath,  Damascus,  and  Israel.  Eighty 
miles  south  of  Khalman,  the  southern  border  of  Assyr- 
ian authority  in  Syria,  lay  Hamath,  at  the  entrance  to 
Coele  Syria  ;  one  hundred  miles  farther  south  was  Da- 
mascus ;  the  border  of  Israel  met  the  confines  of  Da- 
mascus yet  fifty  miles  west  of  south.  Each  state 
controlled  the  country  round  about  it.  Israel  domi- 
nated Judah,  Moab,  and  Edom  ;  Damascus  and  Ha- 
math were  in  treaty  relations  with  the  Phoenician  ports 
on  the  coast  near  to  them.  With  one  another  they 
Tvere  in  more  or  less  continuous  war,  the  outcome  of 


214  ASSYRIA 

which  at  any  particular  time  might  be  the  temporary 
suzerainty  of  the  one  or  the  other.  Ever  since  Asa 
of  Judah  had  made  the  fatid  blunder  of  inviting  the 
king  of  Damascus  to  attack  Baasha  of  Israel  in  his 
interest,  Damascus  had  been  involved  with  Israel. 
Omri,  founder  of  a  new  dynasty  and  of  a  new  capital 
of  his  country  at  Samaria,  had  been  worsted  in  the 
war.  His  son,  Ahab,  seems  also  to  have  reigned 
under  Damascene  influence.  In  the  face  of  Shal- 
maneser's  advance  and  in  imitation  of  the  example  of 
Akhuni,  a  coalition  was  made  under  the  leadership 
of  the  three  kings,  Irkhuleni  of  Hamath,  Benhadad 
II.  of  Damascus,  and  Ahab  of  Israel,  to  which  the 
kings  of  nine  other  peoples  contributed  troops. 
With  an  army  of  nearly  four  thousand  chariots,  two 
thousand  cavalry,  one  thousand  camel  riders,  and 
sixty-three  thousand  infantry,  they  met  the  Assyr- 
ian king  at  Qarqar  on  the  Orontes,  twenty  miles  north 
of  Hamath  (854  b.  c).  The  Assyrian  won  the  bat- 
tle, no  doubt,  as  he  claims,  but  the  victory  was  inde- 
cisive, and  he  retired  beyond  the  Euphrates  without 
capturing  any  of  the  capitals  of  his  enemies  or  receiv- 
ing their  tribute.  Indeed,  his  own  domains  in  Syria 
withheld  tribute,  and  in  850  B.  c.  he  was  compelled 
to  chastise  the  kings  of  Karkhemish  and  Bit  Agusi. 
In  the  next  year,  849  b.  c,  he  encountered  the  south- 
ern coalition  again,  and  again  withdrew.  In  846  b.  c. 
he  called  out  the  militia  of  Assyria  and  attacked  the 
twelve  allied  kings  with  an  army  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  soldiers,  but  without  any  recorded 
success  in  the  form  of  tribute.  The  situation  was 
critical.  Three  years  later  (843  B.  c.)  he  visited  his 
Syrian  provinces,  marching  to  the  Amanus  without 


THE  SYRIAN  CAMPAIGNS  215 

venturing  southward.  Meanwhile,  either  his  intrigues 
or  the  inconstancy  of  Syrian  princes  had  been  work- 
ing for  him.  Revolutions  had  taken  place  in  Damas- 
cus and  Israel.  Benhadad  II.  had  been  overthrown 
by  Hazael,  and  the  house  of  Omri  by  Jehu.  Shalma- 
neser  II.  developed  new  tactics.  Marching  westward, 
in  842  B.  c,  as  though  making  for  the  sea  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Orontes,  he  suddenly  turned  southward, 
leaving  Khalman,  Hamath,  and  Damascus  on  his  left. 
He  thus  took  the  allied  states  unprepared  and  divided. 
Hazael  was  isolated,  but  met  the  Assyrians  on  the 
eastern  slopes  of  Mount  Hermon.  They  drove  him  back 
to  Damascus  and  ravaged  the  territory  down  into  the 
Hauran,  but  could  not  capture  his  city.  The  cities 
of  Tyre  and  Sidon  sent  "  tribute."  Hamath  appears 
to  have  submitted,  though  the  fact  is  not  mentioned. 
More  significant  still  was  the  attitude  of  Israel,  whose 
king  Jehu  sent  "  tribute,"  "  silver,  gold,  golden  bowls, 
golden  chalices,  golden  cups,  golden  buckets,  lead,  a 
royal  sceptre  and  spear  shafts  (?)."  Yet  so  long  as 
Hazael  remained  unsubdued,  these  gifts  were  empty. 
A  last  expedition  against  him  in  839  B.C.  was 
equally  unsuccessful  in  subjugating  him,  though  the 
Phoenician  cities  again  sent  presents.  Assyria  had 
been  virtually  halted.  Shalmaneser's  armies  never 
again  marched  south  of  Hamath.  Hazael  was  free 
to  take  vengeance  on  his  recreant  southern  allies, 
and  soon  was  lord  of  the  south,  as  far  as  the 
Egyptian  border.  Israel  was  humiliated;  Jehu  and 
his  son  Jehoahaz  became  vassals.  Shalmaneser  II. 
was  forced  to  be  content  with  northern  Syria;  but 
with  the  southern  trade  routes  cut  off,  he  must  find 
pew  outlets  for  Assvrian    commerce.     He   therefore 


216  ASSYRIA 

turned  toward  the  northwest  where  Tiglathpileser  I. 
had  warred  with  the  same  purpose  (s6ct.  144).  Three 
campaigns  are  recorded  against  Qui  (Cilicia),  where  he 
reached  Tarzi  (Tarsus)  in  the  rich  Cilician  plain  (840, 
835,  834  B.  c.) ;  in  838  B.  c.  Tabal,  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  modern  Marash,  was  his  objective  point ;  in  837 
B.  c.  he  renewed  Assyrian  authority  over  Milid  (sect. 
144).  In  832  B.C.  his  Turtan  put  down  a  rebel- 
lion in  Patin.  Thus  the  land  route  to  the  west  and 
with  it  the  rich  trade  of  Asia  Minor  were  secured  for 
Assyria,  and  the  civilization  of  the  Tigris  began  di- 
rectly to  affect  the  less  advanced  peoples  of  these 
regions. 

180.  The  civil  war  in  Assyria  was  not  without 
influence  in  the  west.  Khindanu,  on  the  western 
bank  of  the  Euphrates,  and  Hamath  are  mentioned 
among  the  rebellious  cities.  Shamshi  Adad  gives  no 
indication  that  he  ever  crossed  the  Euphrates,  and 
the  presumption  is  that  Assyrian  authority  in  these 
districts  was  at  a  discount.  Adadnirari,  however,  has 
another  story  to  tell.  In  the  summary  of  his  achieve- 
ments he  says,  "  From  above  the  Euphrates,  Khatti, 
Akharri  to  its  whole  extent.  Tyre,  Sidon,  the  land 
of  Omri,  Edom,  Palastu  as  far  as  the  great  sea  of 
the  setting  sun  I  brought  to  submission,  [and]  taxes 
and  tribute  I  laid  upon  them  "  (see  ABL,  p.  52). 
Special  mention  is  made  of  an  expedition  to  Damas- 
cus, where  a  certain  Mari  (Benhadad  III.  ?),  who  had 
succeeded  to  Hazael,  was  shut  up  in  his  capital,  and 
compelled  to  submit  and  pay  tribute.  In  the  limu 
list  the  objective  points  of  attack  are  Arpad  (806  B.  c), 
Azaz  (805  B.C.),  Bahli  (804  B.C.),  the  seacoast 
(803  B.C.)  that  is,  the  Mediterranean  (?),  Man9uate 


ASSYRIAN  DECLINE  IN  THE  WEST  217 

(797  B.C.).  The  two  former  cities  are  in  northern 
Syria,  the  others  in  the  central  region.  It  is  impos- 
sible, therefore,  to  date  the  victory  over  Damascus,  and 
to  determine  whether  the  king  ever  traversed  Israel 
and  Palestine  with  his  armies,  or  merely  received 
"  tribute  "  from  them.  The  latter  is  more  probably  the 
case.  The  situation  suggested  is  the  breaking  down 
of  the  dominance  of  Damascus  in  the  south,  and  the 
practical  recovery  of  independence  on  the  part  of  the 
southern  communities,  by  the  easy  method  of  sending 
gifts  to  the  Assyrian  conqueror.  The  subjugation  of 
Damascus  would  signify  to  the  king  authority  over 
all  the  regions  owning  Damascene  supremacy.  It  is 
thought  that  some  indication  of  what  this  victory 
meant  for  Israel  still  lingers  in  the  late  passage  of 
2  Kings  xiii.  5,  where  the  "  saviour "  may  be 
identified  with  the  Assyrian  king.  At  any  rate,  as  no 
expedition  of  Adadnirari  after  797  B.  c.  is  recorded, 
and  Mancuate,  situated  not  far  from  Damascus,  was 
the  objective  point  of  that  year,  Israel,  with  its  north- 
ern enemy  weakened,  was  able  to  recover  strength, 
and,  unmolested  by  Assyrian  authority,  make  head- 
way against  its  foes.  Nor  did  the  Assyrian  kings 
that  belong  to  the  following  years  of  decline  disturb  the 
southern  states.  A  new  centre  of  opposition  to  Assyria 
developed  at  Hatarika  (Hadrach),  south  of  Hamath, 
against  which  Ashurdan  is  said  to  have  marched  in 
772  B.  c.  and  765  b.  c.  Either  he  or  his  successor 
attacked  it  again  in  755  B.  c,  and  one  expedition  of 
Ashurnirari  against  Arpad  took  place  the  next  year 
(754  B.  c).  It  is  evident  that,  if  northern  Syria 
remained  faithful,  the  centml  and  southern  regions 
were  practically  free  from  Assyrian  control  after  the 


218  ASSYRIA 

reign  of  Adadnirari  III.  It  is  easy  to  understand, 
therefore,  how  in  this  period  so  brilliant  a  reign 
as  that  of  Jeroboam  II.  of  Israel  was  possible  (2 
Kings  xiv.  23-29). 

181.  The  relations  to  the  peoples  of  the  northern 
and  eastern  frontier  form  a  not  less  important  phase 
of  Assyrian  history  during  this  period.  The  moun- 
tain valleys  through  which  the  upper  Tigris  flows  had 
been  subjugated  and  brought  under  direct  Assyrian 
control  by  AshurnaQirpal  (sects.  159  f.)  These  gave 
the  later  kings  little  trouble.  But  the  movements  of 
peoples  to  the  east  and  north  of  this  district,  already 
in  progress  in  his  time  (sect.  159),  had  produced  a 
remarkable  change  in  the  political  situation.  In  the 
mountains  from  the  southern  slopes  of  which  the 
Euphrates  takes  its  rise,  peoples  were  forming  into 
a  nation  calling  itself  Khaldia,  after  the  name  of  its 
god  Khaldis,  but  to  the  Assyrians  known  as  Urartu. 
They  appear  in  history  as  they  come  down  from  the 
flanks  of  Ararat  in  the  far  northeast,  or  from  homes 
on  the  banks  of  the  Araxes,  and  move  toward  the 
southwest  in  the  direction  of  Lake  Van,  attracted  by 
the  rich  valleys  on  its  eastern  shore.  Ashurna^irpal 
is  the  first  to  mention  them  as  in  this  region,  but  does 
not  fight  with  them.  The  first  kings  of  the  new  nation 
were  Lutipris  and  Sarduris  I.,  followed  —  whether 
immediately  or  not  is  uncertain  —  by  Arame.  Under 
this  ruler  the  state  made  great  strides  westwaixi 
and  southward,  controlling  tlie  valley  north  of  the 
Taurus  almost  to  Milid,  and  the  eastern  shores  of 
Lake  Van.  Young,  vigorous,  aggressive,  and  eager 
for  progress,  Urartu  was  ready  to  take  part  in  the 
larger  life  of  the  world.     Already  it  bad  borrowed 


WARS  WITH  URARTU  219 

from  Assyria  its  alphabet  (sect.  175),  and  was  prepar- 
ing to  dispute  the  older  nation's  pre-eminence  in  the 
northern  lands. 

182.  Disturbances  in  the  northeast  brought  Shal- 
maneser  II.,  in  the  year  of  his  accession  (860  b.  c), 
into  conflict  with  this  new  state.  He  traversed  the 
land  of  Khubushkia,  lying  to  the  southwest  of  Lake 
Urmia,  and  thence  fell  upon  Urartu.  In  857  B.  c, 
after  defeating  Akhuni  on  the  Euphrates  (sect.  178), 
he  suddenly  turned  northward  and  marched  along 
the  western  slope  of  Mount  Masius  over  the  Taurus 
to  the  upper  waters  of  the  Euphrates.  Laying  waste 
this  region,  he  faced  eastward  and  made  for  Urartu. 
Far  up  on  the  slopes  of  Ararat  he  destroyed  Arzashku, 
Arame's  capital,  devastated  the  land  and  returned 
through  Gilzan  (Kirzan),  on  the  northwestern  shores 
of  Lake  Urmia,  whence  came  the  two-humped  drome- 
daries, and  through  Khubushkia,  coming  out  of  the 
mountains  above  Arbela,  a  march  of  nearly  a  thousand 
miles.  Similar  expeditions  from  the  sources  of  the 
Tigris  to  those  of  the  Euphrates  are  recorded  for 
845  B.  c.  and  833  b.  c.  The  latter  was  under  command 
of  the  Turtan.  In  the  interval  Arame  had  been 
succeeded  by  Sarduris  II.,  whom  the  Turtan  of 
Shalmaneser  II.  attacked  again  in  829  b.  c.  In  the 
Ushpina  of  "Nairi,"  with  whom  the  general  of 
Sharashi  Adad  fought  in  819  B.  c,  has  been  recognized 
Ishpuinis,  successor  of  Sarduris  II.  The  steady  ex- 
pansion of  Urartu  toward  the  south  and  west  in  these 
years  caused  uneasiness  among  the  peoples  already 
settled  along  the  Assyrian  border,  and  compelled  the 
kings  to  make  many  expeditions  into  districts  which 
hitherto  had  not  come  within  the  range  of  Assyrian 


220  ASSYRIA 

aggression.  A  large  extension  of  Assyrian  territory, 
therefore,  is  tmceable,  although  the'  royal  authority 
was  not  at  all  times  very  insistent.  Thus  appear  the 
Mannai,  to  the  west  and  northwest  of  Lake  Urmia ; 
Mazamua  and  Parsua,  to  the  south  of  the  same  lake, 
and  the  Madai,  or  Medians,  further  to  the  east.  In 
these  latter  people  is  to  be  recognized  the  first  wave  of 
that  Indo-European  migration  which  was  to  exercise 
so  important  an  influence  upon  the  later  history  of 
Western  Asia.  It  has  been  plausibly  conjectured  that 
the  movement  of  the  Medes  from  the  steppes  of  cen- 
tral Asia  had  forced  the  advance  of  Urartu  toward  the 
south,  and  that,  swinging  off  to  the  southeast,  they  were 
pressing  on  along  the  mountain  barrier  that  overlooks 
the  eastern  Mesopotamian  plain.  As  in  the  case  of 
Urartu,  so  with  them,  the  Assyrian  kings,  without 
being  conscious  of  the  magnitude  of  the  interests 
involved,  felt  that  they  must  be  stopped,  if  Assyria 
was  to  keep  its  position  in  the  oriental  world.  Adad- 
nirari  III.  marched  against  them  in  not  less  than  eight 
campaigns.  From  him,  indeed,  they  received  more 
attention  than  did  Urartu.  The  latter  under  the  son  of 
Ishpuinis,  Menuas,  pushed  east,  west,  and  north,  from 
the  A  raxes  to  the  land  of  the  Khatti  (Hittites)  and 
Lake  Urmia.  His  son  Argistis  I.  passed  beyond  the 
Araxes  in  the  north ;  in  the  west  he  conquered  Milid, 
and  in  the  southeast  overran  the  Mannai,  Khubushkia, 
and  Parsua.  Shalmaneser  III.  for  more  than  half 
his  years  fought  with  him  without  success.  The 
Assyrians  were  compelled  to  see  their  northern 
and  eastern  provinces  torn  away  by  this  vigorous 
rival,  whose  intrigues  in  the  west  were  also  threat- 
ening their  possessions  there.    It  was  in  this  fierce 


SUMMARY  OF  THIS  EPOCH  221 

storm  of  assault  upon  the  outworks  of  the  empire 
that  the  house  of  Ashurna^irpal  III.  and  Shalma- 
neser  II.  fell. 

183.  In  summing  up  this  epoch  of  Assyrian  history, 
the  first  impression  created  is  that  of  intense  and 
superabounding  energy.  The  long  roll  of  military 
expeditions  is  kept  up  almost  to  the  end.  Where 
details  are  given,  as  in  the  reign  of  Shalmaneser  II., 
these  campaigns  are  seen  to  involve  long  marches, 
often  in  mountainous  countries,  and  frequent  battles 
with  not  insignificant  antagonists.  Both  method  and 
design  in  the  expeditions  are  traceable,  revealing  the 
fact  that  they  were  planned  in  advance  and  with  a 
broad  outlook.  The  outcome  of  the  whole  was  two- 
fold. On  the  one  hand,  was  a  significant  extension  of 
Assyrian  territory.  New  regions  were  opened  up. 
Thus  Shalmaneser  II.  made  Assyria  dominant  on 
Lake  Urmia.  It  is  inferred,  from  hints  in  the  inscrip- 
tions of  Adadnirari  III.,  that  he  reached  the  Caspian 
sea.  Indeed,  a  remarkable  summary  of  the  wide 
range  of  Assyrian  predominance  is  given  in  the  lauda- 
tory inscription  of  the  latter  king ; 

Who  conquered  from  the  mountain  Siluna,  toward 
the  rising  sun  ...  as  far  as  the  great  sea  of  the  rising 
of  the  sun ;  from  above  the  Euphrates,  Khatti,  Akharri 
to  its  whole  extent,  Tyre,  Sidon,  the  country  of  Omri, 
Edom,  Palastu  as  far  as  the  great  sea  of  the  setting  of  the 
sun,  I  brought  to  submission,  (and)  taxes  and  tribute  I 
placed  on  them.  .  .  .  The  kings  of  Kaldu,  all  of  them, 
became  servants.  Taxes  (and)  tribute  for  the  future  I 
placed  on  them.  Babylon,  Borsippa  (and)  Kutha  sup- 
ported the  decrees  of  Bel,  Nabu  (and)  Nergal  (Slab  Insc, 
5-24;  see  ABL,  pp.  51  f .). 


222  ASSYRIA 

184.  On  tlie  other  hand,  obstacles  of  a  charactei* 
not  hitherto  encountered  and,  in  part,  rising  out  of 
the  very  policy  of  Assyria,  confronted  these  kings. 
Nations,  contemplated  in  their  plans  of  conquest, 
began  to  unite  for  self-defence.  To  overcome  this 
concentration  of  opposition  called  forth  might  and 
skill  never  before  required.  Assyrian  pressure  com- 
bined with  movements  of  peoples  as  yet  without  the 
zone  of  historical  knowledge,  moulded  border  tribes 
into  nations  with  national  impulses  and  aspirations 
that  rivalled  those  of  the  Assyrians  themselves.  New 
and  vigorous  tribes  were  at  the  same  time  brought 
upon  the  horizon  of  Assyrian  territory.  In  grappling 
with  such  problems,  the  royal  family,  which  had  con- 
tributed so  many  warriors  and  statesmen  to  the  throne 
of  Assyria,  found  its  strength  failing  and  was  con- 
strained to  disappear.  Would  the  state  itself  go 
down  before  the  same  combination  of  difficulties,  or 
would  it  regather  its  energies,  and,  under  other  and 
abler  leaders,  rise  superior  to  opposition  and  hold  its 
place  of  predominance  for  years  to  come  ?  The  next 
century  contains  the  answer  to  this  question. 


IV 


THE  ASSYRIAN  REVIVAL.     TIGLATHPILESER  III. 
AND   SHALMANESER  IV.     745-722  B.C. 

185.  The  gloomy  outlook  for  the  future  of  the 
Assyrian  state,  consequent  upon  the  encroachments 
of  hostile  peoples  from  without  and  the  inner  convul- 
sions that  shook  the  government  and  overthrew  the 
ruling  dynasty,  was  speedily  transformed  upon  the 
accession  of  the  new  king.  With  him  opens  an  in- 
spiring chapter  of  splendid  Assyrian  success.  This 
sudden  change  makes  it  likely  that  the  causes  of 
disaster  were  due,  not  so  much  to  decline  in  the 
energies  of  the  body  politic,  as  to  the  weakness 
or  unwisdom  of  the  later  members  of  the  ruling 
dynasty.  It  has  been  plausibly  conjectured  that 
these  rulers  identified  their  interests  with  the 
priestly  class,  the  centre  of  whose  power  was  the 
city  of  Assur  and  who  dominated  the  commercial 
activities  of  the  realm.  As  in  Babylonia,  the  temple 
was  the  bank  and  the  trading  centre  of  every  com- 
munity as  well  as  the  seat  of  the  divine  powers. 
Over  against  these  heads  of  the  spiritual  and  mer- 
cantile world  stood  the  army,  recruited  chiefly  from 
the  free  peasantry,  and  led  by  their  local  lords,  as 
royal  officers.  The  disasters  on  the  frontiers  brought 
commercial  stringency,  which,  as  in  every  ancient 
state,  bore  most  heavily,  not  upon  the  men  of  wealth, 


224  ASSYRIA 

but  upon  the  poorer  classes.  The  king  unwisely 
threw  himself  into  the  hands  of  the  priests.  Sooner 
or  later  this  attitude  was  bound  to  antagonize  the 
army.  King,  priestly  lords,  and  merchant  princes 
went  down  before  a  rebellion,  starting  from  Kalkhi, 
the  seat  of  the  army.  The  new  king  represented, 
therefore,  the  re-assertion  of  the  strongest  forces  in 
the  state,  the  native  farmers  and  soldiers,  led  by  the 
ablest  general  among  them  (Peiser  in  MVAG,  I. 
161  f.;  KAT3,  50  f.). 

186.  It  is  significant  that  in  his  inscriptions  no 
stress  is  laid  by  the  new  king  upon  his  ancestral 
claims  to  the  throne.  In  a  popular  leader  this  would 
be  natural.  Among  his  building  activities  no  temples 
figure,  and  the  long  lists  of  gods  who  presided  over 
the  careers  of  his  predecessors  do  not  appear  on  his 
monuments.  Ashur,  the  representative  of  the  state 
as  a  conquering  power,  is  his  hero  and  lord,  whose 
cult  he  established  in  the  cities  subjugated  by  him. 
His  throne  name  was  Tiglathpileser,  chosen,  pre- 
sumably, for  its  historical  suggestions  of  the  first 
great  king  of  that  name,  rather  than  for  its  theologi- 
cal significance.  In  military  vigor  he  was  a  worthy 
follower  of  his  brilliant  predecessor,  and  surpassed 
Iiim  in  statesmanlike  foresight  and  achievement. 
Under  his  direction  the  tendencies  and  measures 
hitherto  observed,  looking  to  the  incorporation  of  the 
subject  peoples,  were  intensified  and  consummated. 
The  Assyrian  state  was  revived ;  the  Assyrian  em- 
pire was  founded. 

187.  The  memorials  of  the  king  consist  of  annals, 
which  were  written  on  the  slabs  adorning  the  walls 
of  his  palace  at  Kalkhi,  and  of  laudatory  inscriptions, 


TlGLATHPlLESER'S  PALACE  225 

containing   summary   records   of  his   campaigns   ar- 
ranged geographically.     All  were  found  in  the  royal 
mound  at  Kalkhi,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  bricks 
from  Nineveh  which  testify  to  the  erection  of  a  palace 
there.     The  palace  at   Kalkhi  and  its  contents  suf- 
fered a  strange  fate.     To  build  it  the  king  seems  to 
have  removed  a  smaller  structure  of  Shalmaneser  II., 
Avhich  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  terrace,  and  to  have 
greatly  increased  the  size  of  the  mound  toward  the 
south  and  w^est  by  extending  it  out  into  the  Tigris. 
On  the  river  side  the  mound  was  faced  with  alabaster 
blocks.     The  palace  looked  toward  the  north,  where 
it    had   a  portico   in   the    Syrian  style    with  pylons 
flanking  the  entrance.     In  construction  it  was  distin- 
guished from  former  structures  by  a  predominance  of 
woodwork  of  cedar  and  cypress.     Double  doors  with 
bands   of   bronze,  like   those   of   Shalmaneser  II.   at 
Imgur   Bel    (sect.    175),  hung  in    carved  gateways. 
" '  Palaces  of    joy,    yielding    abundance,    bestowing 
blessing  upon  the  king,  causing  their  builder  to  hve 
long,'  I  called  their   names.     '  Gates   of    righteous- 
ness, guiding  the  judgment  of  the  prince  of  the  four 
quarters  of   the  world,   making   the   tribute    of   the 
mountains   and   the    seas   to   continue,    causing    the 
abundance  of  the  lands  to  enter  before  the  king  their 
lord,'  I  named  their  gates  "  (ABL,  p.  58).      Whether 
on  account  of  its  rapid  decay  or  to  do  despite  to  the 
usurper,  a  later  king  of  another  line,   used  the  ma- 
terials of  this  structure  for  his  own  palace  on   the 
southwestern  corner  of  the  mound  (sect.  236).     The 
latter,  however,  was  never  finished,  and  to  this  fact 
is  due  the  preservation  of  the  fragments  of  the  annals 
of  Tiglathpileser  III.  on  the  slabs  wliich  had  been 

15    , 


226  ASSYRIA 

removed  and  redressed,  preparatory  to  their  use  in 
the  walls  of  the  later  building.  This  fragmentary 
and  confused  condition  of  his  inscriptions  makes  the 
task  of  reconstructing  the  historical  order  and  the  de- 
tails of  his  activities  difficult.  No  certain  conclusions 
can  in  some  instances  be  attained.  Happily,  the 
limu  list  for  the  king's  reign  is  complete,  and  its  brief 
notes  form  a  basis  for  arranging  the  rest  of  the 
material.  The  contributions  of  the  Old  Testament, 
also,  become  now  of  special  value. 

188.  Nearly  all  of  the  eighteen  years  of  the  king's 
reign  (745—727  B.  c.)  were  marked  by  campaigns  on  the 
various  borders  of  the  reahn.  These  expeditions  were 
characterized,  even  more  clearly  than  those  of  his  pre- 
decessors, by  imperial  purposes.  The  world  of  Western 
Asia,  in  expanding  its  horizon,  had  become  at  the  same 
time  more  simple  in  its  political  problems,  owing  to  the 
disappearance  of  the  multitudinous  petty  communities 
before  the  three  or  four  greater  racial  or  political 
unities  that  had  come  face  to  face  with  one  another. 
In  the  south  the  Kaldi  were  becoming  more  eager  to 
lay  hold  on  Babylon.  In  the  north  Urartu  was 
spreading  out  on  every  side  to  absorb  the  tribes  that 
occupied  the  mountain  valleys,  and  even  to  reach 
over  into  northern  Syria.  In  the  west  the  tendency 
to  unification  brought  this  or  that  state  to  the  front, 
as  the  suzerain  of  the  lesser  cities  of  a  wider  territory, 
and  the  representative  of  organized  opposition  to 
invasion.  Egypt  was  preparing  again  to  appear  on 
the  scene  and  to  recover  its  place  as  a  world-power 
west  of  the  Euphrates.  Thus,  everywhere,  with  the 
exception  of  the  eastern  mountain  valleys  where 
the  Medes  had  not  yet  realized  that  nationality  the 


ARAMEANS  IN  BABYLONIA  227 

advent  of  which  was  to  mark  the  new  order,  the 
movement  toward  a  larger  unity,  based  on  political 
rather  than  on  racial  grounds,  was  growing  stronger. 
The  politics  of  the  day  were  international  in  a  new 
and  deeper  sense,  and  the  ideal  of  world-empire  was 
appearing  more  and  more  distinctly,  as  the  controlling 
powers  assumed  more  concrete  and  imposing  forms. 
Thus,  while  the  details  of  Assyrian  activities  are 
more  complex,  the  main  issues  in  them  are  more 
easily  grasped  and  followed. 

189.  Tiglathpileser  III.  ascended  the  throne  to- 
ward the  last  of  April  745  B.C.  Six  months  were 
occupied  in  establishing  himself  in  his  seat,  and  late 
in  the  year  (September-October)  he  took  an  army 
to  the  south.  Aramean  tribes,  forever  moving  rest- 
lessly across  the  southern  Mesopotamian  plain  from 
the  Euphrates  to  the  Tigris,  had  grown  bolder  during 
these  years,  and,  in  spite  of  the  endeavors  of  the 
Assyrian  kings  (sect.  177),  had  entered  Babylonia, 
occupied  the  Tigris  basin  from  the  lower  Zab  to  the 
Uknu,  and  were  in  possession  of  some  of  the  ancient 
cities  of  Akkad.  Aramean  states  were  forming-, 
similar  to  those  of  western  Mesopotamia  which  had 
been  overcome  with  so  much  difficulty  by  Ashurna^ir- 
[)al  III.  and  Shalmaneser  II.  The  king  fell  upon 
the  tribes  furiously,  blockaded  and  stormed  the  cities, 
drove  the  intruders  from  Dur  Kurigalzu,  Sippar,  and 
Nippur,  and  deported  multitudes  to  the  northeastern 
mountains ;  he  also  built  two  fortresses,  dug  out  the 
canals,  and  organized  the  country  under  direct  Assyr- 
ian rule.  From  Babylon,  Borsippa,  and  Kutha  came 
the  priests  of  the  supreme  divinities,  offering  their 
rihliat  ("  gifts  of  homage  "  ?)  to  the  deliverer,  who 


228  ASSYRIA 

returned  to  Assyria,  claiming  the  ancient  and  proud 
title  of  "  King  of  Shumer  and  Akkad." 

190.  A  natural  corollary  of  this  campaign  was  the 
expedition  of  the  second  year  (744  B.  c.)  to  the  south- 
east, which,  with  the  expedition  of  737  B.  c.  to  Media, 
completed  the  operations  in  the  east.  In  this  direc- 
tion the  Assyrian  armies  reached  Mount  Demavend, 
which  overlooks  the  southern  coast  of  the  Caspian 
sea.  Fortresses  were  built,  Assyrian  rule  established 
among  the  Namri,  the  restless  Medes  chastised,  and 
made  temporarily  at  least  to  respect  the  Assyrian 
power. 

191.  The  four  years  (743-740  B.  c.)  following  the 
first  eastern  campaign  were  occupied  in  the  west, 
where  a  striking  illustration  was  given  of  the  new 
international  situation.  All  the  region  west  of  the 
Euphrates  had  practically  been  lost  to  Assyria  in  the 
last  years  of  the  house  of  AshurnaQirpal.  The  centre 
of  reorganization  in  northern  Syria  was  the  city-state 
of  Arpad,  lying  a  few  miles  nortli  of  Khalman 
(Aleppo),  the  capital  of  King  Mati'ilu  of  Agusi. 
That  state  had  apparently  succeeded  in  breaking  up 
the  formerly  strong  kingdom  of  Patin  (sect.  165), 
the  western  part  of  which  formed  a  separate  prin- 
cipality called  Unqi  (Amq),  and  was,  with  the  other 
contiguous  districts,  under  the  suzerainty  of  Aipad. 
The  work  of  his  predecessors  must  apparently  be 
done  over  again  by  Tiglathpileser.  But  that  was 
not  all.  Hardly  had  he  reached  the  scene  of  opera- 
tions, when  he  learned  that  he  must  confront  a  more 
formidable  antagonist  in  the  king  of  Urartu.  Not 
contented  with  robbing  Assyria  of  her  tributaries  on 
the  northern  frontier  from  Lake  Urmia  to  Cilicia,  the 


THE   ARPAD   CAMPAIGNS  229 

armies  of  Urartu  had  descended  through  the  valleys 
along  the  upper  Euphrates,  overran  Qummukh,  and 
were  supporting  the  north  Syrian  states  in  opposition 
to  Assyria.  The  Urartian  throne  was  occupied  at 
this  time  by  Sarduris  III.,  successor  of  the  brilliant 
conqueror,  Argistis  I.  (sect.  182).  He  had  advanced 
over  the  mountains  into  the  upper  Euphrates  valley 
as  the  Assyrian  king  moved  westward  into  Syria. 
Whether  Tiglathpileser  III.  had  already  reached 
Arpad  is  not  clear,  but,  if  so,  he  retraced  his  steps, 
and  crossing  again  the  Euphrates,  marched  northward 
into  Qummukh,  where  his  unexpected  arrival  and 
sudden  attack  threw  the  army  of  Sarduris  III.  into 
confusion.  The  king  himself  barely  escaped  and, 
with  the  relics  of  his  force,  ignominiously  fled  north- 
ward over  the  mountains,  pursued  by  the  Assyrians 
as  far  as  the  "  bridge  of  the  Euphrates."  This  defeat 
effectually  cured  Sarduris  of  meddling  in  Syrian 
politics,  but  by  no  means  crippled  the  resistance  of 
the  Syrian  states  under  Mati'ilu.  Three  years  longer 
the  struggle  went  on  before  Arpad.  It  must  have 
fallen  in  740  B.  c.  The  fragments  of  the  annals  give 
only  scattered  names  of  kings  and  states  that  hastened 
to  pay  their  homage  after  its  overthrow.  Qummukh, 
Gurgum,  Karkhemish,  Qui,  Damascus,  Tyre,  are 
mentioned  in  the  list,  to  which  in  all  probability- 
should  be  added  Milid,  Tabal,  Samal,  and  Hamath. 
Tutammu  of  Unqi  held  out  and  was  severely  punished. 
His  kingdom  was  made  an  Assyrian  province,  as 
was  doubtless  the  former  state  of  Agusi.  Thus  aU 
of  northern  Syria  again  became  Assyrian  territory, 
and  the  chief  states  of  the  central  region  paid 
tribute. 


230  ASSYRIA 

192.  In  738  B.C.  the  king  made  another  step 
forward  in  the  west.  Middle  Syria,  about  Hamath, 
became  involved  in  trouble  with  Assyria.  Just  how 
this  arose  it  is  very  difficult  to  understand,  owing  to 
the  confused  and  fragmentary  condition  of  the  in- 
scriptions. They  mention  a  certain  Azriyau  of  Jaudi, 
as  inciting  these  districts  to  rebellion  against  the 
king.  At  first  thought,  this  personage  would  seem 
identical  with  Azariah  (Uzziah)  of  Judah ;  but 
chronological  and  historical  obstacles  outweigh  the 
probability  of  this  view,  and  serve,  with  other  more 
positive  considerations,  to  lead  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  state  of  Jaudi  was  situated  in  northern 
Syria,  adjoining  and  at  times  a  part  of  Samal.  A 
prince  of  this  state,  Panammu,  the  son  of  Karal,  had 
already  headed  an  uprising  against  the  reigning  king, 
Bar-^ur,  and  cut  him  off  with  seventy  of  his  house, 
though,  unfortunately,  as  it  proved  for  the  new  ruler, 
a  son  of  Bar-gur,  also  called  Panammu,  succeeded  in 
making  his  escape.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Azriyau 
was  a  successor  of  the  ambitious  usurper  and,  as  lord 
of  Jaudi  and  Samal,  was  seeking,  like  so  many  other 
princes,  to  make  his  principality  the  centre  of  a  larger 
Syrian  state.  This  would  inevitably  bring  him  into 
hostility  to  Assyria.  But,  with  considerable  shrewd- 
ness, he  sought  to  avoid  conflict  as  long  as  possible  by 
intriguing  with  cities  of  middle  Syria  as  yet  unvisited 
by  Tiglathpileser  III.,  among  which  the  most  promi- 
nent was  the  city  of  Kullani.  The  Assyrian  king 
overthrew  the  rebel  leader,  devastated  the  districts 
about  Hamath,  and  placed  them  under  an  Assyrian 
governor.  Subject  states  hastened  to  pay  tribute. 
Among  them,  besides   the   rulers  of    northern  and 


MENAHEM  OF  ISRAEL  231 

central  Syrian  states  already  mentioned  (sect.  191), 
appeared  Menahem,  king  of  Israel,  and  Zabibi,  queen 
of  Arabia.  Panammu  of  Jaudi  and  Samal,  the  second 
of  that  name,  had,  it  seems,  fled  to  Tiglathpileser, 
and  now  reaped  his  reward  in  being  placed  upon  his 
father's  throne  as  a  vassal  of  Assyria.  His  name 
appears  on  the  tribute  list.  This  was  also  in  all 
probability,  the  occasion  referred  to  in  2  Kings  xv. 
19,  20,  where  Tiglathpileser  is  called  by  his  Baby- 
lonian throne  name,  Pul  (sect.  198).  The  accept- 
ance of  Menahem's  gift  by  the  Assyrian,  as  recorded 
in  that  passage,  may  well  have  been  regarded  in  Israel 
as  "  confirming  "  him  in  the  kingdom,  and  as  a  de- 
liverance of  the  land  from  the  presence  of  the  Assyr* 
ian  army. 

193.  With  the  western  states  thus  pacified,  Tiglath- 
pileser turned  his  attention  to  his  northern  enemy 
whom  he  had  so  vigorously  ejected  from  Qummukh 
in  743  B.  c.  The  campaigns  of  739  b.  c.  and  736  B.  c. 
in  the  Nairi  country  may  have  been  intended  as 
preparatory  essaj^s  in  this  direction,  re-establishing,  as 
they  did,  Assyrian  authority  as  far  as  the  southern 
shores  of  Lake  Van.  The  expedition  of  735  b.  c. 
made  straight  for  the  heart  of  Urartu.  There  is  no 
definite  indication  as  to  the  route  taken,  whether  the 
Assyrian  came  in  from  the  west  or  from  the  south- 
east. The  capital  of  Urartu,  by  this  time  pushed 
forward  to  the  eastern  shore  of  the  lake  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  present  city  of  Van,  was  called  Turuspa.  It 
consisted  of  a  double  city,  the  lower  town  spread  out 
along  the  rich  vallejs  and  the  citadel  perched  upon 
a  lofty  rock  that  jutted  out  into  the  lake.  The 
Assyrians  destroyed  the  lower  town,  but  besieged  the 


232  ASSYRIA 

citadel  in  vain.  At  last,  having  ravaged  and  ruined 
the  country  far  and  wide,  from  the  lakes  to  the 
Euphrates  as  far  as  Qummukh,  they  retired,  leaving 
to  Sarduris  III.  a  desolate  land  and  an  impoverished 
people.  The  years  of  Assyrian  humiliation  were 
thus  amply  avenged. 

194.  After  three  years  of  peace  in  the  west,  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  was  again  called  thither  in  734  B.  c.  The 
occasion  was  one  of  which  the  Assyrians  had  else- 
where often  taken  advantage.  In  Israel  a  new  king, 
Pekah,  had  joined  with  Rezon,  king  of  Damascus 
(2  Kings  xvi.  5 ;  Isa.  vii.  1  f.),  and  the  princes  of 
the  Philistine  cities  (2  Chron.  xxviii.  18),  chief 
of  whom  was  Hanno  of  Gaza,  in  a  vigorous  attack 
upon  the  little  kingdom  of  Judah.  Edom,  also,  took 
up  arms  against  her  (2  Chron.  xxviii.  17).  It 
has  been  conjectured  that  these  states  had  organized 
a  league  to  resist  Assyrian  aggression,  and  were 
seeking  to  force  Judah  to  join  it.  But  of  this  there 
is  no  evidence.  The  real  purpose  seems  to  have  been 
to  take  advantage  of  the  weakness  of  Judah,  and  of 
the  youth  and  incapacity  of  Ahaz  its  king,  to  plunder 
and  divide  the  country  among  the  assailants.  In  his 
extremity,  Ahaz,  in  opposition  to  the  urgent  advice 
of  Isaiah  the  prophet  (Isa.  vii.  3  ff.),  determined  to 
appeal  to  Tiglathpileser  III.,  preferring  vassalage  to 
Assyria  to  the  almost  certain  loss  of  kingdom  and 
life  at  the  hands  of  the  league.  The  Assyrian  king 
seems  promptly  to  have  responded  to  so  attractive  an 
invitation  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  Palestine, 
hitherto  undisturbed  by  his  armies.  For  three  years 
(734-732  B.  c.)  he  campaigned  from  Damascus  to  the 
border   of  Egypt.     The   order  of   events  cannot  be 


THE  ATTACK  ON  ISRAEL  233 

determined  with  certainty.  The  limu  list  gives  for 
73-i  B.  c.  an  expedition  against  Philistia.  This  sug- 
gests that  he  made  in  that  year  a  rapid  march  to  the 
far  south  in  order  to  relieve  Judah  from  the  immedi- 
ate and  pressing  danger  of  overthrow  at  the  hands 
of  her  enemies,  and  then  proceeded  at  his  leisure  to 
punish  them,  beginning  with  the  nearest,  the  Philis- 
tines. Gaza  suffered  the  most  severely ;  Hanno  fled 
southward  to  Mugri;  the  city  was  plundered,  but  a 
vassal  king  was  set  up,  perliaps  Hanno  himself,  on 
making  his  submission.  The  other  cities  yielded 
without  much  resistance. 

195.  Israel  next  received  attention.  The  Book  of 
Kings  (2  Kings  xv.  29)  tells  how  all  Israel,  north 
of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  east  of  the  Jordan,  was 
overrun.  Pekah  had  thrown  himself  into  his  cita- 
del of  Samaria,  where  the  Assyrian  king  would 
have  soon  beleaguered  him  and  taken  possession 
of  the  rest  of  the  country,  had  not  a  conspiracy 
broken  out  in  which  Pekah  was  killed,  and  Hosliea, 
its  leader,  made  king.  His  immediate  submission 
to  Tiglathpileser  III.  was  accepted,  and  his  posi- 
tion as  vassal  king  confirmed.  The  northern  half 
of  his  kingdom  remained,  however,  in  Assyrian 
possession. 

196.  In  dealing  with  Damascus,  Tiglathpileser 
III.  first  defeated  Rezon  in  the  field,  and  then  shut 
him  up  in  the  city.  How  long  the  siege  lasted  is 
uncertain.  The  entire  district  was  mercilessly  de- 
vastated. During  the  siege  Panammu  II.  of  Samal, 
who  brought  his  troops  to  the  aid  of  his  Assyrian 
suzerain,  died,  and  his  son  and  successor,  Bar  Rekub, 
thus  records  the  event  upon  the  funeral  stele : 


234  ASSYRIA 

Moreover  my  father  Panammii  died  while  following 
his  lord,  Tiglathpileser,  king  of  Assyria,  in  the  camp 
.  .  .  And  the  heir  of  the  kingdom  bewailed  him.  And  all 
the  camp  of  his  lord,  the  king  of  Assyria,  bewailed  him. 
And  his  lord,  the  king  of  Assyria,  (afflicted)  his  soul,  and 
held  a  weeping  for  him  on  the  way;  and  he  brought  my 
father  from  Damascus  to  this  place.  In  my  days  (he 
was  buried),  and  all  his  house  (bewailed)  him.  And 
me,  Bar  Kekub,  son  of  Panammu,  because  of  the 
righteousness  of  my  father,  and  because  of  my  righteous- 
ness, my  lord  (the  king  of  Assyria)  seated  upon  (the 
throne)  of  my  father,  Panammu,  son  of  Bar-qur ;  and  I 
have  erected  this  monument  for  my  father,  Panammu, 
son  of  Bar-Qur. 

The  Assyrian  account  of  the  capture  of  the  city 
has  not  been  preserved,  but  the  summary  statement 
of  2  Kings  xvi.  9  tells  what  must  have  been  the 
final  result :  "  The  king  of  Assyria  .  .  .  took  it  and 
carried  (the  people  of)  it  captive  to  Kir  and  slew 
Rezin."  The  kingdom  of  Damascus  was  destroyed, 
and  the  district  became  an  Assyrian  province. 

197.  In  the  course  of  the  three  years  other  states 
of  middle  Syria  and  Palestine  came  under  Assyrian 
authority.  Samsi,  Queen  of  Arabia,  who  had  with- 
held her  tribute,  was  followed  into  the  deserts,  and, 
after  the  defeat  of  her  warriors,  paid  for  her  rebellion 
with  the  loss  of  many  camels,  and  the  assignment 
of  an,  Assyrian  qipu^  or  resident,  to  her  court.  Other 
Arabian  tribes  to  the  southwest,  among  whom  the 
Sabeans  appear,  sent  gifts,  and,  as  qipu  over  the 
region  of  Mu^ri,  a  certain  Idibi'il  was  appointed.  In 
the  tribute  list  of  the  years  734-732  b.  c.  appear  the 
kings  of  Ammon,  Moab,  Edom,  and  various  cities  of 


AHAZ  OF  JUDAH  235 

Phoenicia,  hitherto  independent.  Even  the  king  of 
Tyre,  Mitinna,  was  compelled  to  recognize  Assyrian 
suzerainty  with  a  payment  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
talents  of  gold.  The  authority  of  Tiglathpileser  III. 
was  supreme  from  the  Taurus  to  the  Gulf  of  Aqaba 
and  beyond.  To  slight  it  meant  instant  punishment. 
The  king  of  Tabal,  in  the  far  north,  ventured  to 
absent  himself  from  the  king's  presence,  and  was 
promptly  deposed  by  the  royal  official.  The  king  of 
Askalon,  encouraged  by  the  resistance  of  Rezon, 
suffered  his  zeal  for  Assyria  to  cool,  and  merely  the 
news  of  the  fall  of  Damascus  threw  him  into  a  fit 
of  sickness  which  forced  him  to  resign  his  throne 
to  his  son  whom  the  Assyrian  king  graciously  per- 
mitted to  ascend  it.  Ahaz  of  Judah,  according  to 
2  Kings  xvi.  10  ff.,  paid  his  homage  in  person  to 
his  lord  Tiglathpileser  III.  in  Damascus  after  the 
fall  of  that  city,  and  caused  to  be  built  in  Jerusalem 
a  model  of  the  Assyrian  altar,  set  up  in  the  Syrian 
capital  for  the  worship  of  Assyrian  gods.  It  has  been 
thought,  not  without  reason,  that  the  biblical  narra- 
tive intimates  that  this  Jerusalem  altar  was  prepared 
for  the  use  of  the  Assyrian  king  himself,  who  honored 
his  Judean  vassal  with  a  personal  visit  to  his  capital 
(Klostermann,  Komm.  Sam.  u.  Kon.,  in  loc).  Such 
a  visit  was  certainly  due  to  that  king  whose  personal 
appeal  to  Tiglathpileser  III.  had  opened  the  way  for 
this  unprecedented  extension  of  Assyrian  power. 

198.  It  was  reserved  for  the  last  years  of  this 
vigorous  king  to  see  the  crowning  achievement  of 
his  vast  ambitions.  Thirteen  years  had  passed  since 
he  had  entered  Babylonia  and  re-established  Assyrian 
suzerainty  over  that  ancient  kingdom.     Meanwhile 


236  ASSYRIA 

NabunaQir  (sect.  177)  had  been  succeeded  (in  734  b.  c.) 
by  his  son,  Nabunadinziri  (Nadinu),  and  he  after  two 
years  was  killed  by  one  of  his  officials,  who  became 
king  under  the  name  of  Nabushumukin.  This  usur- 
pation was  sufficient  pretext  for  the  interference  of 
the  Kaldi.  Ukinzir,  chief  of  the  Kaldean  principality 
of  Bit  Amukani,  swept  the  pretender  out  of  the  way 
two  months  after  his  usurpation,  and  seated  himself 
on  the  Babylonian  throne  (732  B.C.).  On  Tiglath- 
pileser's  return  from  the  west  he  must  needs  inter- 
vene to  restore  Assyrian  influence.  In  731  B.  c.  he 
advanced  against  Ukinzir,  moving  down  the  Tigris  to 
the  gulf,  and  attacking  Bit  Amukani.  He  shut  the 
Kaldean  up  in  his  capital,  Sapia,  cut  down  the  palm- 
trees  and  ravaged  his  land  and  that  of  other  neighbor- 
ing princes.  Evidently  he  found  the  enterprise  a 
serious  one,  for  he  remained  in  Assyria  the  next  year, 
preparing,  it  seems,  for  a  decisive  stroke.  The  cam- 
paign of  729  B.  c.  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Sapia  and 
the  complete  overthrow  of  Ukinzir,  who  disappeared 
from  the  scene.  Among  the  Kaldean  princes  who 
offered  gifts  to  the  victor  was  a  certain  Mardukbalid- 
din,  chief  of  Bit  Jakin,  far  down  on  the  gulf,  who  is 
to  be  heard  of  again  in  the  years  to  come.  With  the 
passing  of  the  usurper,  the  Babylonian  throne  was 
vacant,  and  in  728  B.  c.  the  Assyrian  king  "  took  the 
hands  of  Bel "  as  rightful  heritor  of  the  prize.  Not 
as  Tiglathpileser,  but  as  Pulu,  either  his  own  per- 
sonal name  or  a  Babylonian  throne-name,  did  he  reign 
as  Babylonian  king.  The  cause  of  this  change  of 
name  is  thought  by  some  to  be  a  rescript  of  Babylonian 
law,  which  forbade  a  foreign  king  to  rule  Babylon 
except  as  a  Babylonian.     It  may  be  that  the  compli- 


TIGLATHPILESER  KING  OF  BABYLON  237 

cated  mass  of  legal  and  ritual  requirements  which  in 
the  course  of  the  centuries  had  gathered  about  the 
position  of  the  king  of  Babylon  made  it  necessary, 
particularly  in  the  case  of  the  Assyrian  ruler,  to  dis- 
tinguish thus  formally  between  his  authority  in  the 
two  countries.  In  his  native  land  he  was  political 
and  mihtary  head ;  in  Babylon  his  authority  consisted 
chiefly  in  his  relation  to  the  gods  and  their  priesthoods. 
As  such,  the  new  position  may  be  considered  as  much 
a  burden  as  an  honor,  and  Maspero  thinks  that  this 
act  of  Tiglathpileser  III.  saddled  Assyria  with  a 
heavy  load.  On  the  other  hand,  it  marks  the  cul- 
mination of  the  centuries  of  struggle  between  the 
motherland  of  immemorial  culture  and  the  younger 
and  more  aggressive  military  state  of  the  north.  It 
was  the  attainment  of  the  goal  toward  which,  with 
deep  sentiment  and  inextinguishable  expectation,  king 
after  king  of  Assyria  had  been  striving,  and  which 
Tukulti  Ninib  five  centuries  before  had  achieved 
(sect.  121).  To  rule  and  guard  the  ancient  home  at 
the  mouth  of  the  rivers,  as  suzerain  of  its  kings,  was 
not  enough  ;  it  was  far  worthier  to  assume  in  person 
the  holy  crown,  to  administer  the  sacred  laws,  to  come 
face  to  face  with  the  ancestral  gods,  and  to  mediate 
between  them  and  mankind.  Something  of  this  feel- 
ing may  have  come  to  Tiglathpileser  III.  at  this 
supreme  moment.  He  enjoyed  the  honor  only  a  little 
over  a  year,  however,  for  in  727  B.  c.  he  died,  and  in 
his  stead  Shalmaneser  IV.  became  king  in  the  two 
lands. 

199.  Tiglathpileser  III.,  in  his  eighteen  years  of 
ruling,  had  succeeded  in  raising  Assyria  from  a 
condition  of  degenerate  impotence  to  be  the  first  power 


238  ASSYRIA 

of  the  ancient  world,  with  an  extent  of  territory  and 
an  efficiency  of  administration  never  before  attained. 
He  combined  admirable  military  skill  and  energy  with 
a  genius  for  organization,  to  which  former  kings  had 
not,  indeed,  been  by  any  means  strangers,  but  which 
they  had  not  exercised  with  such  ability,  or  with 
results  so  solid.  The  custom  of  establishing  fortified 
posts  in  conquered  countries  and  of  appointing 
military  officials  to  represent  Assyrian  authority  in 
them  was  continued  by  Tiglathpileser  III.,  but  it  is 
his  merit*  to  have  undertaken  to  attach  these  sub- 
jugated lands  much  more  closely  to  Assyria,  and  to 
give  these  officials  much  more  significant  administra- 
tive duties.  Taking  as  a  basis  the  local  unit  of  the 
city  and  the  land  dependent  upon  it,  he  united  a  not 
too  large  number  of  these  districts  under  a  single 
government  official,  called,  ordinarily,  the  sJiupar- 
shakuy  whose  duty  it  was  to  administer  the  affairs  of 
these  districts  in  immediate  dependence  on  the  court. 
As  such,  he  was  called  bel  pikhati^  "  lord  of  the  dis- 
tricts." In  other  words,  the  king  introduced  a 
system  of  provincial  government  corresponding  to 
the  social  and  political  organization  of  the  Semitic 
world.  Of  these  provinces,  two  were  established  in 
eastern  Babylonia,  two  in  the  eastern  highlands,  one 
in  northern  Syria  out  of  the  kingdom  of  Unqi 
(sect.  191),  two  in  central  Syria,  that  of  Damascus, 
and  that  of  the  nineteen  districts  about  Hamath,  two 
in  Phoenicia,  and  one  in  northern  Israel.  The  col- 
lection of  a  regular  tribute  and  the  preservation  of 
order  were,  as  before,  the  chief  duties  of  these 
provincial  officers.  They  served  also  as  protectors 
of  the   districts   from  attack,  and  as   guardians  of 


NEW  POLITICAL  MEASURES  239 

Assyrian  interests  in  surrounding  tributary  states. 
Such  tributary  states  with  their  vassal  kings  were 
permitted  to  continue  on  the  same  terms  as  of  old. 
Tiglathpileser  III.  also  followed  his  predecessors  in 
the  custom  of  carrying  away  the  peoples  of  conquered 
lands,  but  his  genius  is  seen  in  the  system  and  method 
introduced.  In  the  first  place,  the  deportations  were 
made  on  an  immensely  larger  scale,  and,  second,  the 
majority  of  those  deported  were  sent,  not  to  Assyria 
as  before,  but  to  other  regions  already  subjugated. 
In  other  words,  immense  exchanges  of  conquered 
populations  were  made  by  him.  Thus,  more  than 
one  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand  persons  were 
removed  from  Babylonia,  sixty-five  thousand  from 
the  eastern  highlands,  seventy  thousand  from  the 
northern  highlands,  and  thirty  thousand  from  the 
districts  about  Hamath,  and  these  are  not  all  that 
the  inscriptions  mention.  The  Syrians  were  taken  to 
the  north  and  east ;  the  Babylonians  to  Syria.  The 
result  of  this  policy  was  to  remove  the  dangers  of 
insurrection  arising  out  of  local  or  national  spirit, 
and  to  strengthen  the  Assyrian  administration  in  the 
provinces.  It  has  been  admirably  stated  by  Maspero 
as  follows : 

The  colonists,  exposed  to  the  same  hatreds  as  the 
original  Assyrian  conquerors,  soon  forgot  to  look  upon 
the  latter  as  the  oppressors  of  all,  and,  allowing  their 
present  grudge  to  efface  the  memory  of  past  injuries,  did 
not  hesitate  to  make  common  cause  with  them.  In 
time  of  peace  the  governor  did  his  best  to  protect  them 
against  molestation  on  the  part  of  the  natives,  and  in 
return  f©r  this  they  rallied  round  him  whenever  the 
latter  threatened  to  get  out  of  hand,  and  helped  him  to 


240  ASSYRIA 

stifle  the  revolt,  or  hold  it  in  check  until  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements*  Thanks  to  their  help,  the  empire  was  con- 
solidated and  maintained  without  too  many  violent  out- 
breaks in  regions  far  removed  from  the  capital,  and 
beyond  the  immediate  reach  of  the  sovereign  (Passing 
of  the  Empires,  pp.  200,  201). 

200.  Receiving  from  the  hands  of  so  able  an 
administrator  an  empire  thus  organized,  Shalmaneser 
IV.  might  look  forward  to  a  long  and  successful 
reign.  Certain  badly  mutilated  inscriptions,  if  they 
have  been  read  correctly  by  modern  scholars,  indicate 
that  he  was  the  son  of  Tiglathpileser  III.  and  had 
already  been  entrusted  by  him  with  the  governorship 
of  a  Syrian  province.  No  inscriptions  of  his  own 
throwing  light  upon  his  reign  have  been  discovered. 
Tliis  is  not  strange,  as  the  limu  list  indicates  that  his 
reign  lasted  but  five  years  (727-722  B.C.)  The 
Babylonian  Chronicle  states  that  he  succeeded  to  the 
Babylonian  throne,  and  the  Babylonian  kings'  list 
gives  his  throne  name  as  Ulula'a.  The  liinu  list, 
containing  the  brief  references  to  campaigns,  is  here 
badly  mutilated  and  affords  little  help.  All  the  more 
important,  therefore,  are  the  biblical "  statements 
concerning  his  relations  to  Israel,  and  a  difficult 
passage  of  Menander  of  Tyre  (in  Josephus,  Ant.,  IX. 
14,  2)  in  regard  to  his  dealings  with  that  city. 

201.  The  west  had  been  quiet  since  the  decisive 
settlement  of  its  affairs  made  by  Tiglathpileser  III. 
in  732  B.  c.  (sect.  197).  The  accession  of  Shalmaneser 
IV.  was  generally  acquiesced  in,  and  tribute  was 
promptly  paid.  The  Babylonian  Chronicle  mentions 
the  destruction  of  the  city  of  Sabarahin  (in  Syria?, 
Ezek.  xlvii.  16),  which  may  have   taken    place  in 


THE  PASSING  OP  ISRAEL  241 

his  first  year  (727  b.  c),  at  which  time  the  payment 
of  tribute  by  Hoshea  of  Israel  (2  Kings  xvii.  3) 
may  have  been  made.  The  year  726  B.  c.  was  spent 
by  the  king  at  home.  The  policy  of  Tiglathpileser 
III.  seemed  to  insure  the  fidelity  and  peace  of  the 
empire.  Trouble,  however,  soon  appeared  among  the 
tributary  kings  of  Palestine,  owing  to  the  intrigues 
of  a  certain  "  Sewe  (So),  king  of  Egypt  (Migraim)," 
(2  Kings  xvii.  4),  the  Assyrian  equivalent  for 
whose  name  is  probably  Shabi.  According  to  some 
scholars,  the  trouble  was  made  by  the  north  Arabian 
kingdom  of  Mugri  over  which  Tiglathpileser  III. 
had  appointed  a  qipu  (sect.  197).  Whatever  may  be 
the  solution  of  that  question,  the  results  of  the  intrigue 
were  successful.  Hoshea  of  Israel  refused  to  pay 
tribute,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  king  of  Tyre 
followed  suit.  Shalmaneser  IV.  came  upon  the 
ground  in  725  B.  c.  Menander  states  that  he  "  over- 
ran the  whole  of  Phoenicia,  and  then  marched  away 
after  he  had  made  treaties  and  peace  with  all ;  "  and  a 
broken  inscription,  containing  a  treaty  of  the  king 
of  Tyre  with  a  later  Assyrian  king  appears  to  sub- 
stantiate this  account  (Winckler,  AOF,  IL,  i,  15) 
so  far  as  the  submission  of  Tyre  is  concerned. 

202.  Israel  was  not  as  easily  mastered.  Hoshea 
and  his  nobles  saw  clearly  that  no  mercy  could  be 
hoped  for,  in  the  face  of  their  repeated  contumacy* 
and  prepared  for  the  worst.  They  threw  themselves 
into  Samaria,  hoping  to  be  able  to  hold  out  until 
their  allies  brought  them  relief.  By  724  B.  c.  the 
blockade  began.  No  help  came,  yet  still  they  defied 
the  Assyrian  army.  The  country  must  have  been 
utterly  laid  waste.     The    siege    continued  through 

16 


242  ASSYRIA 

the  year  723  B.C.  The  next  year  Shalmaneser  IV. 
died.  The  circumstances  are  not  known.  The 
rebellious  and  beleaguered  capital  was  left  to  be 
dealt  with  by  his  successor,  Sargon,  who  ascended 
the  throne  in  January  of  722  b.  c. 


I 


THE  ASSYRIAN   EMPIRE  AT  ITS  HEIGHT 
SARGON  11.    722-706  B.C. 

203.  Although  Sargon  gives  no  indication  in  his 
inscriptions  that  he  was  related  by  blood  to  his  im- 
mediate predecessors,  the  fact  that  he  ascended  the 
throne  without  opposition  in  the  month  that  Shalma- 
neser  IV.  died,  shows  that  he  was  no  usurper,  but 
was  recognized  as  the  logical  successor  of  that  king. 
In  his  foreign  politics  and  his  administrative  activity 
he  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Tiglathpileser  III.,  and 
thereby  carried  forward  the  empire  to  a  height  of 
splendor,  solidity,  and  power  hitherto  unattained.  In 
one  respect,  indeed,  and  that  a  very  important  one, 
it  is  claimed  that  he  reversed  the  policy  of  the  two 
preceding  kings.  He  favored  the  commercial  and 
hierarchical  interests  as  over  against  the  peasantry 
(sects.  185  f.).  I,  "who  preserved  the  supremacy  of 
(the  city)  Assur  which  had  ceased,"  and  "  extended  " 
my  "  protection  over  Haran  and  in  accordance  with 
the  will  of  Anu  and  Dagan  wrote  its  charter,"  —  are 
two  statements  in  his  cylinder  inscription  which,  as 
doing  honor  to  these  centres  of  priestly  rule,  illustrate 
his  friendly  attitude  toward  the  hierarchy  and  their 
interests.  His  name  in  one  of  its  forms,  Sharru- 
ukin,  "  the  king  has  set  in  order,"  may  embody  a 
reference  to  this  policy,  which  he  conceived  of  as  a 
restoration  of  the  old  order,  the  re-establishment  of 


244  ASSYRIA 

justice  and  right,  ignored  by  his  predecessors.  While 
the  king's  opposition  to  them  may  not  have  been  so 
intense  or  express  as  to  warrant  the  claim  that  he 
deliberately  threw  himself  into  the  hands  of  the 
other  party,  facts  like  those  already  mentioned  and 
others,  which  will  later  appear,  are  explicable  from 
this  point  of  view. 

204.  The  abounding  religiosity  of  his  inscriptions 
is  in  manifest  contrast  to  the  ritual  barrenness  of 
those  of  Tiglathpileser  III.  Long  passages  glorify 
the  gods,  whose  names  make  up  a  pantheon  sur- 
passing in  number  and  variety  those  of  any  preceding 
ruler.  A  devotion  to  ecclesiastical  archaeology,  char- 
acteristic of  a  priestly  regime,  appears  in  the  resusci- 
tation of  old  cults  like  that  of  Ningal,  the  recognition 
of  half-forgotten  divine  names  such  as  Damku, 
Sharru-ilu,  and  Shanitka  (?).  The  reappearance  of 
the  triad  of  Ann,  Bel,  and  Ea  (sect.  89)  suggests 
a  revival  of  the  old  orthodoxy.  Sin,  Shamash,  Ninib, 
and  Nergal  are  honored  with  temple,  festival,  or  gift. 
As  though  in  express  contrast  with  Tiglathpileser 
(sect.  187),  though  perhaps  unconsciously,  Sargon, 
when  he  built  his  lordly  palace  and  city,  gave  its 
gates  names  which  testified  directly  to  the  over- 
mastering power  and  presence  of  the  gods  and 
illustrate   the  extent  of  his  pantheon. 

In  front  and  behind,  on  both  sides,  in  the  direction 
of  the  eight  winds  I  opened  eight  city-gates :  "  Shamash, 
who  granted  to  me  victory,"  "  Adad,  who  controls  its 
prosperity,"  I  named  the  gates  of  Shamash  and  Adad 
on  the  east  side  ;  "  Bel,  who  laid  the  foundation  of  my 
city,"  "Belit,  who  gives  riches  in  abundance,"  I  named 
the  gates  of  Bel  and  Belit  on  the  north  side ;  "  Anu,  who 


THE   FALL  OF  SAMARIA  245 

gave  success  to  the  work  of  my  hands,"  '^  Ishtar,  who 
causes  its  people  to  flourish,"  I  made  the  names  of  the 
gates  of  Anu  and  Ishtar  on  the  west  side ;  ^'  Ea,  who 
controls  its  springs,"  "Belit-ilani,  who  grants  to  it 
numerous  offspring,"  I  ordered  to  be  the  names  of  the 
gates  of  Ea  and  Belit-ilani  on  the  south  side.  (I  called) 
its  inner  wall  "Ashur,  who  granted  long  reign  to  the 
king,  its  builder,  and  protected  his  armies ; "  and  its 
outer  wall  "  Ninib,  who  laid  the  foundation  of  the  new 
building  for  all  time  to  come"  (Cyl.  Inscr.,  66-71). 

205.  The  siege  of  Samaria,  a  bequest  of  Shalma- 
neser  IV.  (sect.  202),. was  in  its  final  stage  when 
Sargon  became  king,  and  the  city  fell  in  the  last 
months  of  722  B.  c.  The  flower  of  the  nation,  to  the 
number  of  twenty-seven  thousand  two  hundred  and 
ninety  persons,  was  deported  to  Mesopotamia  and 
Media.  The  rest  of  the  people  were  left  in  the  wasted 
land,  and  a  shuparshaku  (sect.  199)  was  appointed  to 
administer  it  as  an  Assyiian  province.  Later  in  the 
king's  reign,  captives  from  Babylonia  and  Syria  were 
settled  there. 

206.  Sargon  could  hardly  have  been  present  at  the 
fall  of  Samaria,  though,  doubtless,  the  measures 
connected  with  its  organization  into  a  province  were 
directed  by  him.  The  necessary  adjustments  of  his 
home  government  and,  particularly,  the  problem  of 
Babylonia  would  require  his  presence  in  Assyria. 
Three  months  after  his  accession  in  Assyria,  he 
would  have  to  be  in  Babylon  on  New  Year's  day 
(Nisan)  to  "  take  the  hands  of  Bel "  as  lawful 
Babylonian  king.  But  what  must  have  been  an  un- 
expected obstacle  brought  his  purpose  to  naught. 
Tiglathpileser's  annihilation    of    the   Kaldean  prin- 


246  ASSYRIA 

cipality  of  Bit  Amukani  (sect.  198)  had  served  to 
consolidate  and  strengthen  the  power  of  another 
Kaldean  prince,  Mardukbaliddin,  of  Bit  Jakin, 
who  at  that  time  had  paid  rich  tribute  and  now 
pressed  forward  to  seize  the  vacant  throne.  He  was 
supported,  if  not  in  his  claims  to  the  throne,  at  least 
in  his  opposition  to  Assyria,  by  Elam,  a  power  which 
for  centuries  had  not  interfered  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Mesopotamian  valley.  The  Babylonian  kings'  list, 
indeed,  records  the  rule  of  an  Elamite  over  Babylon 
somewhere  in  the  eleventh  century,  but  nothing  is 
known  of  his  relation  to  the  Elamite  kingdom.  Two 
new  forces  brought  Elam  upon  the  scene,  and  made 
it,  from  this  time  forth,  an  important  element  in 
Babylonio-Assyrian  politics.  First,  the  pressure  of 
the  new  peoples  from  the  far  east,  represented  by  the 
Medes  in  the  northeastern  mountains,  was  being  felt 
in  the  rear  of  Elam,  insensibly  cramping  and  irri- 
tating the  eastern  and  northern  Elamites  and  forcing 
them  westward.  Second,  the  aggressive  campaign  of 
Tiglathpileser  III.  against  the  Aramean  tribes  on 
the  lower  Tigris  had  cleared  that  indeterminate 
region  between  the  two  countries  and  brought  the 
frontier  of  Assyria  up  to  the  border  of  Elam.  Colli- 
sion was,  therefore,  as  inevitable  as  between  Assyria 
and  the  Median  tribes  farther  north.  Elam  entered 
promptly  into  the  complications  of  Babylonian  politics 
and  naturall}^  took  the  anti-Assyrian  side.  While 
Mardukbaliddin  advanced  northward,  Khumbanigash, 
the  Elamite  king,  descended  from  the  highlands  and 
laid  siege  to  Dur  Ilu,  a  fortress  on  the  lower  Tigris. 
Sargon  moved  rapidly  down  the  east  bank  of  the 
river    and   engaged   the    Elamite    army  before    the 


THE   SITUATION  IN  THE   WEST  247 

Kaldeans  came  up.  The  result  of  the  battle  was 
indecisive,  a  fact  which  practically  meant  defeat  for 
the  Assyrians.  After  punishing  some  Aramean  tribes 
that  had  taken  the  side  of  the  Kaldi  and  transport- 
ing them  to  the  far  west  (Samaria),  he  turned  back, 
leaving  Mardukbaliddin  to  the  possession  of  Babylon 
and  the  kingship,  which  he  assumed  in  the  lawful 
fashion  on  the  first  day  of  the  new  year  (Bab.  Chr., 
I.  32). 

207.  This  serious  set-back  in  Babylonia  involved, 
at  the  beginning  of  Sargon's  reign,  a  loss  of  prestige 
that  had  its  effect  upon  all  sides.  It  encouraged 
the  rivals  of  Assyria  to  intrigue  more  actively  in  the 
provinces,  and  gave  new  heart  to  those  among  the 
subject  peoples  inclined  to  rebellion.  In  the  west, 
Egypt,  after  centuries  of  impotence,  was  ready  to 
engage  in  the  affairs  of  the  larger  world.  The  in- 
numerable petty  princes  who  had  divided  up  the 
imperial  power  among  them  had  been  formed  into 
two  groups,  —  one,  the  southern  group,  under  the 
dominance  of  Ethiopia ;  the  other,  the  northern  group, 
under  the  authority  of  the  prince  of  Sais,  a  certain 
Tefnakht.  His  son,  Bok-en-renf  (Greek,  Bocchoris), 
unified  his  power  yet  more  distinctly.  He  has  gained 
a  place  in  the  Manethonian  list  as  the  sole  representa- 
tive of  the  twenty-fourth  dynasty.  About  the  year 
722  B.  c.  he  assumed  the  rank  of  Pharaoh.  Shut  off 
from  the  south  by  his  Ethiopian  rivals,  he  looked 
to  the  north  for  the  extension  of  his  power,  and 
naturally  began  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  Syria,; 
whither,  both  by  reason  of  immemorial  Egyptian 
claims  to  the  suzerainty  and  in  view  of  commercial 
interests,  his  hopes  were  directed.   His  representative^ 


248  ASSYRIA 

began  to  appear  at  the  courts  of  the  vassal  kings, 
and  made  large  promises  of  Egyptian  aid  to  those 
who  would  throw  off  the  Assyrian  yoke.  Already 
representations  of  this  sort  had  induced  Hoshea 
of  Israel  to  refuse  the  tribute,  though  in  his  case 
rebellion  had  been  disastrous  (sect.  201).  Now  a 
new  conspiracy  was  formed,  and  the  unlucky  Baby- 
lonian campaign  of  Sargon  gave  the  occasion  for  its 
launching.  A  certain  Ilubidi,  also  called  Jaubidi  of 
Hamath,  a  man  of  the  common  people,  usually  the 
greatest  sufferers  from  Assyrian  oppression,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  deposing  the  king  of  that  city,  and  took  the 
throne  as  representing  the  anti- Assyrian  party.  He 
secured  adherents  in  the  provinces  of  Arpad,  ^imirra, 
Damascus,  and  Samaria.  Allied  with  him  was  Hanno 
of  Gaza,  who  was  ready  to  try  once  more  the  danger- 
ous game,  relying  upon  his  Bedouin  friends.  Gaza, 
the  end  of  the  caravan  routes  from  south  and  east, 
was  a  centre  of  trade  for  the  Bedouin,  and  they  were 
likewise  hampered  by  Assyrian  authority.  Among 
these  Arabian  communities  were  the  Mugri,  already 
referred  to  (sect.  197),  the  likeness  of  whose  name 
to  that  of  Egjrpt  .(MuQur)  probably  led  the  Assyrian 
scribes  into  a  confusion  of  the  two  peoples,  which 
was  encouraged  by  the  geographical  proximity  of 
the  localities.  This  confusion  appears  also  in  the 
Hebrew  writings,  where  Sewe  (So)  is  called  "king 
of  Egypt "  (Migraim)  rather  than  of  Mugri ;  here  it 
is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  impulse  to  conspiracy  came 
from  the  Egyptians,  although  the  Mugri  were  mem- 
bers of  the  league  against  Assyria  (sect.  201). 

208.  Sargon  hastened  to  the  west  in  720  B.  c.  and 
took  the  rebels  in  detail.     Ilubidi  was  met  at  Qarq^ar, 


ETHIOPIAN  INTRIGUES  •         249 

where  the  king  defeated,  captured,  and  flayed  him 
alive.  Sargon  pushed  southward  and  fought  the 
southern  army  at  Rapikhi  (Raphia).  Shabi  (Sibi, 
Sewe,  So),  called,  by  a  mixture  of  titles  in  the  Assyrian 
account,  "turtan  of  Piru  (Pharaoh),  king  of  Mugri," 
—  a  statement  which  has  led  some  scholars  to  regard 
him  as  a  petty  Egyptian  prince  under  the  Pharaoh,  — 
fled  into  the  desert  "  like  a  shepherd  whose  sheep 
have  been  taken."  Hanno  was  captured  and  brought 
to  Assur.  Nine  hundred  thirty- three  people  were  de- 
ported. The  Arabian  chiefs  offered  tribute,  —  Piru  of 
Mugri,  Samsi  of  Aribi,  and  Itamara  of  Saba.  The  re- 
bellion was  crushed,  punishments  were  duly  inflicted, 
and  provinces  were  reorganized.  Having  clearly  de- 
monstrated the  consequences  of  revolt  from  Assyria, 
Sargon  returned  home.  Seven  years  passed  before 
trouble  appeared  again  in  Palestine,  stirred  up  from 
the  same  sources  as  before.  In  the  intervening  period 
Sargon  had,  according  to  his  annals,  in  715  B.  c.  mad© 
an  expedition  into  Arabia  in  consequence  of  which 
Piru  of  Mugri,  Samsi  of  Aribi,  and  Itamara  of 
Saba  again  paid  tribute.  The  Pharaoh,  Bocchoris, 
had  fallen  before  the  aggressive  Ethiopian  king, 
Shabako,  who  about  715  b.  c.  united  all  Egypt 
under  his  sway,  and  ruled  as  the  first  Pharaoh  of  the 
twenty-fifth  djmasty.  He  did  not  wait  long  before 
undertaking  the  same  measures  as  the  Saite  king  to 
extend  Egyptian  influence  in  Asia.  His  agents 
began  their  work  at  all  the  vassal  courts  in  Palestine. 
In  Judah,  Edom,  Moab,  and  the  Philistine  cities, 
Egyptian  sympathizers  were  found  everywhere.  Pro- 
posals were  made  for  a  league  between  these  states. 
In  Judah  the  chief  opponent  of  this  policy  was  th^ 


250  .  ASSYRIA 

prophet  Isaiah,  who  was  moved  to  the  strange 
action  mentioned  in  Isaiah  xx.  2.  He  kept  it  up  for 
three  years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  air  had 
cleared.  In  Ashdod  King  Azuri  openly  favored  the 
new  movement,  but  so  vigilant  were  the  Assyrians 
that  he  was  promptly  deposed,  and  his  brother  Akh- 
imiti  substituted.  This  seems  only  to  have  added 
fuel  to  the  flame,  and  by  711  B.  c.  the  fire  broke  out. 
Akhimiti  was  overthrown ;  the  leader  of  the  merce- 
naries, a  man  from  Cyprus,  was  made  king,  and 
allegiance  to  Assyria  thrown  off.  The  Assyrian,  how- 
ever, was  now  wide  awake,  and  the  conspirators  were 
again  taken  unprepared.  Sargon  sent  some  of  his 
finest  troops  in  a  forced  march  to  Ashdod.  The 
rebel  leader  was  driven  from  his  city  before  his  allies 
could  gather,  and  fled  into  the  desert,  where,  in  the 
fastnesses  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  he  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  chieftain  of  Milukhkha,  who  delivered 
liim  up  to  the  Assyrians.  Ashdod  and  its  dependen- 
cies, Gath  and  Ashdudimma,  were  put  under  a 
provincial  government.  Judah,  Edom,  and  Moab 
hastened  to  assure  the  Assyrian  of  their  faithfulness, 
and  fresh  gifts  were  required  of  them  by  way  of 
punishment  for  their  evil  inclinations.  Some  time 
later,  even  Ashdod  was  permitted  to  resume  its  own 
government  under  a  king  Mitinti.  Another  instruc- 
tive evidence  had  been  given  the  Palestinians  of  the 
folly  of  seeking  the  aid  of  "  Pharaoh  of  Egypt,  a  king 
who  could  not  save  them." 

209.  By  far  the  greater  number  of  Sargon's  ex- 
peditions were  directed  toward  the  north,  and  occa- 
sioned by  the  renewed  efforts  of  the  kingdom  of 
Urartu   to    unite    the   northern    tribes    against   the 


THE  NORTHERN  COALITION  251 

Assyrians.  Sarduris  III.  had  left  Assyria  in  peace 
after  his  punisliinent  by  Tiglathpileser  III.  in  735 
B.  c.  (sect.  193),  and  was  succeeded  about  780  B.  c. 
by  Rusas  I.,  called  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions 
Rusa  or  Ursa.  Under  his  vigorous  and  ambitious 
measures,  Urartu  entered  upon  its  supreme  effort 
for  the  control  of  the  north  and  the  overthrow  of 
Assyrian  supremacy.  A  combination  was  formed 
of  states  ^extending  from  the  upper  Mediterranean  to 
the  eastern  shores  of  Lake  Urmia,  and  the  struggle 
that  ensued  lasted,  in  its  various  ramifications,  for 
more  than  ten  years  (719-708  B.  c).  The  eastern 
peoples  were  led  by  Urartu  itself ;  in  the  west  the 
Mushki  were  the  leading  spirits  under  their  king, 
Mita;  both  nations,  however,  evidently  in  mutual 
understanding  and  sympathy  ^sought  the  same  ends 
and  used  the  same  means. 

210.  After  the  humiliation  of  Urartu,  Tiglath- 
pileser III.  had  sought  to  build  up,  in  the  district 
between  the  two  lakes,  Van  and  Urmia,  a  kingdom 
which,  in  close  dependence  on  Assyria,  would  offset 
the  influence  of  Urartu.  This  was  the  kingdom  of 
the  Mannai,  which  had  already  attained  some  degree 
of  unity  under  its  king,  Iranzu,  and  controlled  a 
number  of  principalities,  among  which  were  Zikirtu, 
Uishdish,  and  Bit  Daiukki.  Unable  to  break  down 
Iranzu's  fidelity  to  Assyria,  Rusas  succeeded  in 
drawing  away  the  principalities  from  their  allegiance 
and  even  detached  some  cities  of  the  Mannai  from 
Iranzu.  Sargon  promptly  punished  these  latter  in 
719  B.  c.  In  716  Iranzu  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Aza,  whose  declared  fidelity  to  his  Assyrian  overlord 
provoked    a   storm.     The    chiefs   of   the    rebellious 


^52  ASSYRIA 

principalities  succeeded  in  having  him  murdered, 
and  raised  Bagdatti  of  Uishdish  to  the  throne.  Sargon 
appeared  again  upon  the  scene,  seized  Bagdatti  and 
flayed  him  alive.  The  rebels  raised  to  the  throne 
Ullusunu,  brother  of  Bagdatti,  who,  after  a  brief 
struggle,  submitted  to  Sargon  and  was  permitted  to 
remain  king.  The  next  year,  715  B.  c,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Rusas,  Daiukki,  chief  of  another  Mannean 
principality,  rebelled  against  Ullusunu  and  was  de- 
ported by  Sargon.  Expeditions  to  the  east  and  south- 
east carried  Sargon's  armies  among  the  Medes,  who 
were  evidently  pressing  more  closely  upon  the  moun- 
tain barrier  and  absorbing  the  tribes  of  that  region. 
The  campaign  of  714  b.  c.  brought  him  face  to  face 
with  Rusas  himself.  He  entered  Zikirtu,  overthrew 
its  prince,  and  devastated  the  country.  The  army  of 
Rusas,  which  came  to  its  relief,  he  utterly  defeated, 
and  drove  the  king  himself  in  hasty  flight  to  the 
mountains.  The  Assyrian  narrative  reports  that, 
seeing  his  land  ravaged,  his  cities  burned,  and 
portions  of  his  territory  given  to  the  king  of  Man,  in 
despair  Rusas  slew  himself.  It  seems,  however,  ac- 
cording to  Urartian  inscriptions,  that  he  lived  to  fight 
again.  The  reduction  of  the  other  districts  followed 
without  difficulty.  From  Illipi,  in  the  far  southeast 
on  the  borders  of  Elam,  westward  beyond  Lake 
Van,  and  eastward  as  far  as  the  Caspian,  gifts  and 
tribute  were  the  signs  of  Assyrian  authority.  The 
usual  citadels  were  built,  and  provinces  established 
for  administrative  purposes,  where  vassal  kings  were 
not  continued  in  their  authority.  Urartu,  however, 
somehow  escaped  incorporation.  A  new  king,  Argistis 
II.,  continued  to  maintain  the   independence  of  his 


THE  NORTHWESTERN  TROUBLES  253 

country,  and  even  to  interfere  in  Assyrian  affairs, 
but  with  no  success.  The  aggressive  power  of  the 
state  was  broken,  and  the  Assyrians  were  satisfied  to 
let  well  enough  alone.  That  Urartu  was  practically 
left  to  itself  and  yet  was  closely  watched,  is  illustrated 
by  a  despatch  which  has  been  preserved  from  the 
Crown  Prince  Sennacherib,  who  in  the  last  years  of 
Sargon  was  the  commanding  general,  stationed  on 
the  frontier  between  Urartu  and  Assyria. 

211.  In  the  northwest  the  Mushki  were  situated 
as  advantageously  for  disturbing  the  Assyrian 
borders  as  was  Urartu  in  the  east.  Perched  high  up 
among  the  Taurus  mountains,  they  saw  beneath  them 
Qui  (Cilicia)  to  the  southwest,  Tabal  and  the  north 
Syrian  states  to  the  south,  Qummukh  to  the  south- 
east, and  Milid  to  the  east,  beyond  which  Urartu 
extended  to  the  mountains  of  Ararat.  They  them- 
selves were  moved  to  activity,  doubtless,  by  the 
pressure  of  peoples  behind  them,  caused  by  the  west>- 
ward  movement  of  the  Indo-European  tribes,  of  whom 
the  Medes  in  the  east  formed  one  branch,  and  who 
were  to  make  themselves  felt  more  distinctly  within 
half  a  century.  They  entered  heartily,  therefore,  into 
the  schemes  of  Rusas  of  Urartu,  and  did  their  part 
toward  breaking  down  Assyrian  influence  on  these 
frontiers.  A  beginning  was  made  in  Tabal  in  718  B.  c. 
by  a  rebellion  in  Sinukhtu,  one  of  its  principalities. 
The  rising  was  put  down,  the  guilty  tribe  deported,  and 
its  territory  given  to  a  neighboring  prince.  The  next 
year,  tempted  by  the  promise  of  help  from  Mita,  King 
of  Mushki,  Pisiris,  king  of  Karkhemish,  threw  off  the 
yoke,  but,  if  a  general  rising  was  expected,  it  was 
prevented  by  the  vigilance  and  promptness  of  Sargon, 


254  Assyria 

who  stormed  the  ancient  city,  carried  away  its  in^ 
habitants,  and  settled  Assyrians  in  their  places.  The 
city  became  the  capital  of  an  Assyrian  province. 
Mita  had,  meanwhile,  been  making  advances  to  Qui. 
Its  king  had  been  faithful  to  Assyria  at  first.  He  was 
consequently  attacked  by  the  Mushki  and  lost  some  of 
his  cities.  Finally  he  fell  away  to  the  enemy,  how- 
ever, and  was  punished  with  the  loss  of  his  kingdom 
for,  later  in  Sargon's  reign,  an  Assyrian  provincial 
governor  administered  Qui  and  conducted  campaigns 
against  the  Mushki.  In  713  B.  c.  the  king  of  Tabal, 
son  of  the  prince  raised  to  the  throne  by  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  (sect.  197),  and  himself  married  to  an 
Assyrian  princess,  declared  his  independence,  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  his  territory  had  been  twice  enlarged 
by  Sargon.  The  Assyrian  overran  the  country, 
carried  away  the  king  and  his  people,  settled  other 
captives  in  the  land,  and  brought  it  directly  under 
Assyrian  authority.  The  year  following,  it  was 
the  turn  of  Milid  to  revolt.  Its  king  had  overrun 
Kammanu,  a  land  under  Assyrian  protection,  and 
had  annexed  it.  Sargon  punished  this  aggression 
by  the  removal  of  the  royal  house,  the  deportation  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  the  settlement  of  people  from 
the  Suti  in  the  land.  The  country  was  fortified  by  a 
line  of  posts  on  either  side  over  against  Mushki  and 
Urartu.  Certain  of  its  cities  were  conferred  upon 
the  king  of  the  Qummukhi.  In  Gamgum,  a  small 
kingdom  on  the  southern  slopes  of  the  Taurus,  the 
reigning  king  had  been  muixiered  by  his  son,  who 
seized  the  throne.  Sargon,  regarding  this  usurpation 
as  inspired  from  the  same  source  as  the  other  move- 
ments in  these  regions,  sent,  in  711  B.  c,  a  body  of 


VICTORIES  IN  THE  NORTHWEST  2oo 

troops  thither,  by  whom  the  same  measures  were 
carried  through  as  elsewhere,  and  a  new  Assyrian 
province  established.  Meanwhile  the  governor  of 
Qui  had  succeeded  in  his  campaigns  against  Mifci  of 
Mushki,  who  in  709  B.  c.  made  his  formal  submission 
to  Sargon.  At  the  same  time  seven  kings  of  the 
island  of  Cyprus,  who  had  somehow  been  involved 
in  the  wars  of  these  states  in  the  northwest,  sent 
gifts  to  the  king,  who,  in  return,  set  up  in  that  island 
a  stele  in  token  of  his  supremacy.  That  an  As- 
syrian administration  was  introduced  there,  is  not 
clear.  Finally,  the  hitherto  faithful  kingdom  of 
Qummukh,  seduced  by  Argistis  II.,  the  new  king  of 
Urartu,  threw  off  the  Assyrian  yoke.  Sargon  was 
then  engaged  in  the  thick  of  the  struggle  with  his 
Babylonian  rival.  With  its  triumphant  conclusion 
in  708  B.  c,  the  king  of  Qummukh  lost  heart  and  did 
not  await  the  advance  of  the  Assyrian  army.  His 
land  was  overrun,  and  another  province  was  added 
to  the  empire.  Alread}',  during  these  years,  the 
kingdom  of  Samal,  whose  kings  had  been  so  loyal  to 
Tiglathpileser  III.  (sect.  196),  had  disappeared,  so 
that  now  all  the  west  and  north,  with  the  exception 
of  some  of  the  Palestinian  and  Phoenician  states,  was 
directly  incorporated  into  the  Assyrian  empire. 

212.  The  overthrow  of  the  northern  coalition,  by 
the  defeat  of  Rusas  of  Urartu  and  Mita  of  Mushki, 
left  Sargon  free  to  finish  the  task  which  he  had 
abandoned  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign  after  the 
doubtful  victory  over  the  king  of  Elam  (sect.  206). 
For  more  than  a  decade  had  Mardukbaliddin  ruled  in 
Babylon,  undisturbed  by  his  Assyrian  rival.  But 
now  his  turn  had  come  to  feel  the  weight  of  Assyrian 


256  ASSYRIA 

vengeance,  made  all  the  heavier  by  delay,  and  by  the 
added  might  of  the  Assyrian  power,  everywhere 
else  victorious.  The  Kaldean  king  had,  meanwhile, 
found  it  no  easy  task  to  administer  his  new  domain. 
The  Babylonian  priesthood,  while  nominally  acquiesc- 
ing in  his  supremacy,  were  at  heart  enemies  of 
Kaldean  rule  and  devoted  to  Assyria,  especially  since 
Sargon  was  incHned  to  favor  hierarchical  assumptions. 
Nor  had  Mardukbaliddin  seized  the  throne  with  any 
other  purpose  than  to  give  his  Kaldeans  the  supreme 
positions  in  Babylonia,  and,  in  pursuing  this  policy, 
he  appears  to  have  dispossessed  not  a  few  Babylonian 
nobles  in  favor  of  his  own  partisans.  A  document 
which  has  been  preserved  recites  his  purpose  "  to 
give  ground-plots  to  his  subjects  in  Sippar,  Nippur, 
Babylon,  and  the  cities  of  Akkad,"  and  describes 
such  a  gift  to  Bel-akhi-erba,  mayor  of  Babylon,  who 
was  most  probably  one  of  his  own  people  (ABL, 
64  ff.).  While  Sargon's  claims  that  his  rival  de- 
spised the  Babylonian  gods  are  disproved  by  the 
pious  tone  of  that  document,  it  appears  that  southern 
Babylonia  particularly  had  been  so  rebellious  that  the 
Kaldean  king  had  carried  away  the  leading  citizens 
of  such  cities  as  Ur  and  Uruk  along  with  their  city- 
gods  to  his  capital,  and  even  held  confined  there 
people  of  Sippar,  Nippur,  Babylon,  and  Borsippa. 
The  Aramean  tribes,  also,  had  been  permitted  to 
resume  their  former  independence  as  a  bulwark 
against  Assyria  on  the  lower  Tigris,  and  the  Suti 
were  active  along  the  northern  frontiers  of  Babylonia. 
Moreover,  in  717  B.  c,  Khumbanigash  of  Elam,  the 
ally  of  the  Kaldean  king,  was  succeeded  by  Shutur- 
nakhundi,  whose  zeal  for  his  support   had  not  yet 


THE  BABYLONIAN   WAR  257 

been  put  to  the  test.  Under  such  conditions  Mar- 
dukbaliddin  was  forced  to  meet  the  advance  of 
S  argon. 

213.  The  campaigns  of  the  years  710-709  B.C. 
were  occupied  with  this  war  in  Babylonia.  The 
weakness  of  the  Kaldean  king  was  apparent  immedi- 
ately. Sargou's  account  of  his  operations  has  been 
variously  interpreted.  Some  assume  two  Assyrian 
armies,  —  one  directed  toward  the  east  of  the  Tigris 
and  the  other,  led  by  Sargon  himself,  moving  west  of 
the  Euphrates.  No  good  reason  for  the  western  trans- 
euphratean  movement  can  possibly  be  imagined ; 
indeed  it  was  the  worst  sort  of  tactics  to  separate  the 
two  armies  so  widely.  The  campaign  becomes  clear 
however,  if,  in  the  annals  (1.  287),  we  read  "Tigris  " 
for  "  Euphrates."  The  Assyrian  army  advanced 
down  the  eastern  bank  of  the-  Tigris  without  oppo- 
sition from  Elam,  and  encountered  only  the  Aramean 
tribes.  The  chief  resistance  was  offered  by  the 
Gambuli,  whose  city  of  Duratkhara,  though  garri- 
soned by  a  corps  of  Kaldean  troops  in  addition  to  its 
native  defenders,  was  taken  by  storm,  rebuilt  and,  as 
Dur  Nabi,  made  the  capital  of  an  Assyrian  province. 
The  whole  region  down  to  the  Uknu,  and  eastward  into 
the  -borders  of  Elam,  was  overrun,  devastated,  and 
made  Assyrian  territory.  Thus  Elamite  intervention 
was  cut  off.  The  Elamite  king  drew  back  into  the 
mountains.  Then  the  army  turned  westward  toward 
Babylonia,  crossed  the  Tigris  (?),  and  entered  the 
Kaldean  principality  of  Bit  Dakurri.  Now  Sargon 
stood  between  Mardukbaliddin  and  his  Kaldean  base ; 
hence  the  Kaldean  king  must  meet  his  enemy  in 
Babylon.     But  liis  resources  were  not  yet  exhausted. 

17 


^dS  ASSYRIA 

He  recognized  his  danger,  abandoned  Babylon,  and 
hurried  eastward  with  his  forces  into  the  region  just 
traversed  by  the  Assyrians,  to  the  border  of  Elam, 
to  unite  with  the  Elamite  forces,  and  follow  up  the 
Assyrian  army.  It  was  a  bold,  but  thoroughly 
strategic  move.  Shuturnakhundi,  however,  had  lost 
heart,  and  no  inducements  could  avail  to  secure  his 
co-operation.  Now  one  resource  only  remained  for 
the  Kaldean.  He  moved  rapidly  to  the  south,  eluded 
the  Assyrians,  and  threw  himself  into  a  citadel  of  his 
own  principality,  Bit  Jakin,  and  there,  fortifying  it 
strongly,  awaited  the  Assyrian  attack. 

214.  Sargon,  meanwhile,  had  fortified  the  capital  of 
Bit  Dakurri,  and  was  preparing  to  advance  northward 
toward  Babylon.  The  news  of  Mardukbaliddin's 
escape  was  followed  by  the  coming  of  the  priesthoods 
of  Borsippa  and  Babylon,  who  brought  their  rikhat 
(sect.  189)  and,  accompanied  by  a  deputation  of  the 
chief  citizens,  invited  Sargon  to  enter  the  city.  He 
accepted  the  invitation,  and  showed  his  gratification 
by  royal  gifts  and  services  befitting  a  devoted  wor- 
shipper of  the  gods  of  Babylon.  Sippar,  which  had 
been  seized  by  an  Aramean  tribe  driven  westward  by 
his  advance  down  the  Tigris,  was  recovered  by  a 
detachment  sent  out  from  Babylon.  The  next  year 
(709  B.C.),  Sargon  "took  the  hands  of  Bel"  and 
became  lawful  king  of  Babylon.  The  punishment 
of  Mardukbaliddin  followed.  His  principality  of 
Bit  Jakin  was  fiercely  attacked,  his  citadel  stormed 
in  spite  of  a  desperate  resistance,  the  land  laid  waste, 
the  inhabitants  deported,  and  new  peoples  settled 
there.  The  Kaldean  prince,  however,  succeeded  in 
making  his  escape,  and  was  destined  still  to  be  a 


DUR   SHARRUKIN  259 

trouble!  of  Assyria."  The  landowners,  dispossessed 
under  the  Kaldean  regime,  were  restored  to  their 
estates.  The  imprisoned  Babylonians  were  released, 
and  the  city-gods  of  Uruk,  Eridu,  and  other  ancient 
shrines  were  brought  back  and  honored  with  gifts. 
From  the  king  of  Dilraun,  an  island  "  which  lay  like 
a  fish  thirty  kasbu  out  in  the  Persian  gulf,"  came 
gifts  in  token  of  homage. 

215.  Little  is  known  of  the  course  of  events  in  Sar- 
gon's  reign  after  708  B.  c.  It  is  clear,  however,  that 
during  this  period  his  city  and  palace  of  Dur  Sharrukin 
were  completed  and  occupied.  The  king  had  lived 
principally  at  Kalkhi,  where  he  had  restored  the  fa- 
mous Ashurna9irpal  palace  (sect.  170).  But  his 
overmastering  ambition  suggested  to  him  an  achieve- 
ment which  had  not  entered  into  the  minds  of  his 
predecessors.  They  had  erected  palaces.  He  would 
build  a  city  in  which  his  palace  should  stand.  For 
this  purpose,  with  an  e3^e  to  the  natural  beauty  of  the 
location,  he  chose  a  plain  to  the  northeast  of  Nineveh, 
well  watered  and  fertile,  in  full  view  of  the  mountains. 
A  rectangle  was  marked  out,  its  sides  more  than  a 
mile  in  length,  its  corners  lying  on  the  four  cardinal 
points.  It  was  surrounded  by  walls  nearly  fifty  feet 
in  height,  on  which  at  regular  intervals  rose  towers  to 
a  further  height  of  some  fifteen  feet.  Eight  gates 
elaborately  finished  and  dedicated  to  the  gods  (sect. 
204)  gave  entrance  through  these  walls  into  the  city, 
which  was  laid  out  with  streets  and  parks  in  a  thor- 
oughly modern  fashion,  and  was  capable  of  housing 
eighty  thousand  people.  Upon  the  northwest  side 
stood  the  royal  palace  on  an  artificial  elevation  raised 
to  the  height  of  the  wall.     This  mound  was  in  the 


260  ASSYRIA 

shape  of  the  letter  T,  the  base  projecting  from  the 
outer  wall,  the  arms  falling  within  and  facing  the 
city.  An  area  of  about  twenty-five  acres  thus  ob- 
tained was  completely  covered  by  the  palace,  which 
consisted  of  a  complex  of  rooms,  courts,  towers,  and 
gardens,  numbering  in  all  not  less  than  two  hundred. 
The  main  entrance  was  from  the  city  fi*ont  through  a 
most  splendid  gateway  which  admitted  to  the  central 
square.  From  its  three  sides  opened  the  three  main 
quarters  of  the  palace,  to  the  right  the  storehouses,  to 
the  left  the  harem,  and  directly  across,  the  king's 
apartments  and  the  court  rooms.  This  latter  por- 
tion was  finished  in  the  highest  artistic  fashion  of 
the  period.  The  halls  were  lined  with  bas-reliefs  of 
the  king's  campaigns ;  the  doorways  were  flanked 
with  winged  bulls,  and  the  archways  adorned  with 
bands  of  enamelled  tiles.  In  the  less  elaborate 
chambers  colored  stucco  and  frescoes  are  found. 
The  artistic  character  of  the  bas-reliefs,  however, 
is  not  distinctly  higher  than  that  of  previous  periods. 
The  variety  of  detail  already  noted  as  appearing  in 
the  bronzes  of  Shalmaneser  II.  (sect.  175)  is  the 
most  striking  characteristic  of  these  sculptures.  It 
is  in  the  mechanical  skill  displayed,  in  the  finish  of 
the  tiling,  in  the  coloring  of  the  frescoes,  in  the 
modelling  of  the  furniture,  in  the  forms  of  weapons 
and  the  like,  that  the  art  here  exhibited  is  chiefly 
remarkable.  In  addition,  the  colossal  character  of  the 
whole  design  of  city  and  palace,  culminating  in  the 
lofty  ziggurat,  with  its  seven  stories  in  different  col- 
ors, rising  to  the  height  of  one  hundred  and  forty  feet 
from  the  court  in  the  middle  of  the  southwest  face  of 
the  palace  mound,  gives  a  vivid  impression  of  the 


SARGON'S   POLITICAL  POLICY  261 

wealth,  resourcefulness,  and  magnificent  powers  of  the 
Assyrian  empire  as  it  lay  in  the  hand  of  Sargon, 
who  brought  it  to  its  height  and  gave  it  ihis  unique 
monument.  y 

216.  Sargon's  administration  of  the /Empire  reveals 
a  curious  mixture  of  progressiveness  and  conservatism, 
of  strength  and  weakness,  which  makes  the  task  of 
estimating  his  ability  and  achievement  not  a  little 
difficult.  His  reign  was  one  series  of  wars,  yet  a  large 
number  of  his  campaigns  were  against  petty  tribes  and 
insignificant  peoples.  Over  against  his  good  general- 
ship, illustrated  in  the  skilful  campaign  of  710  B.  c. 
against  Mardukbaliddin,  must  be  placed  the  serious 
reverse  in  the  same  region  in  721  b.  c.  Good  fortune 
did  much  for  him  in  Babylonia  and  in  the  west,  where 
rebellious  combinations  never  materialized.  He  over- 
threw his  enemies  in  detail  or  found  them  deserted  by 
those  who  had  promised  help.  It  is  evident  that 
Urartu  itself  offered  him  nothing  like  the  resistance 
it  had  shown  to  Tiglathpileser  IH.  His  system  of 
provincial  government,  involving  the  exchange  of 
populations,  was  an  inheritance  from  his  predecessors. 
He  carried  it  out  more  extensively,  establishing  prov- 
inces on  all  borders  and  deporting  peoples  from  one 
end  of  the  empire  to  the  other  in  enormous  numbers. 
His  new  city  of  Dur  Sharrukin  was  composed  almost 
entirely  of  the  odds  and  ends  of  populations  from  every 
part  of  his  domains.  So  intent  on  making  provinces 
was  he,  that  he  seems  at  times  to  take  advantage  of 
insignificant  difficulties  in  vassal  kingdoms  to  over- 
turn the  government  and  incorporate  them  into  the 
empire.  Was  he  wise  in  this  ?  Or  was  the  policy 
of  Tiglathpileser  IH.  more  far-sighted?      He,  whilQ 


262  ASSYRIA 

establishing  provinces  in  important  centres,  not  only 
permitted  vassal  kings  to  hold  their  thrones,  but  even 
encouraged  the  growth  of  such  states,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  kingdom  of  the  Mannai.  The  task  of  organizing 
and  unifying  this  mass  of  provinces  and  of  meeting 
the  responsibilities  of  their  administration  was  cer- 
tainly severe.  National  spirit  had  disappeared  with 
the  deportation  of  the  people,  and  imperial  attachment 
had  to  be  fostered  in  its  place.  All  the  details  of 
government  and  administration,  left  otherwise  to  local 
and  tribal  officials,  must  be  taken  over  by  the  imperial 
administration.  Officials  had  to  be  obtained  and 
trained.  Military  forces  must  be  maintained  for  their 
protection  and  authority.  If  Sargon  had  before  him 
the  vision  of  a  mighty  organization  like  this,  he  had 
not  wisely  estimated  the  difficulties  of  its  successful 
maintenance.  As  ruler  of  Babylon,  he  particularly 
felt  the  inconvenience  of  presenting  himself  yearly  at 
the  city  to  receive  the  royal  office  at  the  hands  of  Bel, 
and  therefore  contented  himself  with  the  title  of  "  Gov- 
ernor" (^Shakkanak  Bel),  by  which  he  exercised  the 
power,  even  if  he  must  forego  the  honors,  of  kingship. 
217.  A  severer  indictment  against  Sargon  is  found 
by  those  who  hold  that  he  reversed  the  policy  of 
Tiglathpileser  III.  relative  to  the  priesthood  (sect. 
203).  An  immediate  result  of  this  would  be  the  sub- 
stitution of  a  mercenary  soldiery  for  the  usual  native 
troops.  Sargon  certainly  revived  the  policy  instituted 
by  Shalmaneser  II.  of  incorporating  the  soldiers  of 
conquered  states  into  his  ai-mies.  His  inscriptions 
testify  to  this  in  the  case  of  Samaria,  Tabal,  Karkhe- 
mish,  and  Qummukh.  But  the  maintenance  of  mer- 
cenary troops  involves  their  employment  in  const^vut 


DEFECTS  IN  SARGON'S  POLICY  263 

wax's  to  keep  them  active  and  secure  them  booty. 
When  these  fail,  they  sell  themselves  to  a  higher  bid- 
der, or  turn  their  arms  against  the  state.  The  policy 
of  Sargon  also  involved  the  subordination  of  the  As- 
syrian peasantry  to  the  commercial  and  industrial  in- 
terests of  the  state  or  to  the  possessors  of  great  landed 
estates.  The  burdens  of  taxes  fell  upon  the  farmers 
even  more  heavily.  They  dwindled  away,  became 
serfs  on  the  estates,  or  slaves  in  the  manufactories,  and 
their  places  were  supplied  by  aliens  from  without, 
transplanted  into  the  native  soil.  Thus  the  state 
as  organized  by  Sargon  became  more  and  more  an 
artificial  structure,  of  splendid  proportions,  indeed,  but 
the  foundations  of  which  were  altogether  insufficient. 
Whether  this  judgment  is  unduly  severe  or  not,  it  is 
clear  that  none  of  these  evils  appeared  in  the  king's 
time.  /Assyria  w^as  never  so  great  in  extent,  never  so 
rich  in  silver  and  gold  and  all  precious  things,  never 
so  brilliant  in  the  achievements  of  art  and  architecture, 
never  more  devoted  to  the  gods  and  their  temples. 
Nor  was  Sargon  unmindful  of  the  economic  welfare  of 
his  country,  as  his  inscriptions  testify.  He  directed 
his  attention  to  the  colonization  of  ruined  sites,  to  the 
planting  of  fields,  to  making  the  barren .  hills  produc- 
tive, and  causing  the  waste  dry  lands  to  bring  forth 
grain,  to  rebuilding  reservoirs  and  dams  for  irrigation. 
He  sought  to  fill  the  granaries  with  food,  to  protect 
the  needy  against  want,  to  make  oil  cheap,  to  make 
sesame  of  the  same  price  with  corn,  and  to  establish  a 
uniform  price  for  all  commodities.  When  he  had  set- 
tled strangers  from  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth  in 
his  new  city,  he  sent  to  them  Assyrians,  men  of  knowl- 
edge and  insight,  learned  men  and  scribes,  to  teach 


264  ASSYRIA 

them  the  fear  of  God  and  the  king  (Cyl.  Inscr.,  ABL, 
pp.  62  ff.).  These  were  high  conceptions  of  the  respon- 
sibilities of  empire,  however  imperfectly  they  may 
have  been  realized. 

218.  Hardly  had  Sargon  been  settled  in  his  new  city 
and  palace  when  his  end  came.  A  violent  death  is 
recorded,  but  whether  in  battle  or  by  a  murderer's 
hand  in  his  palace,  the  broken  lines  of  the  inscription 
do  not  make  clear.  His  son  and  heir,  Sennacherib, 
was  summoned  from  the  frontier,  where  he  was  acting 
as  general,  and  without  opposition  ascended  the 
throne  toward  the  close  of  July,  705  b.  c. 


VI 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  IMPERIAL  UNITY 
SENNACHERIB.  705-681  B.  C. 

219.  The  reign  of  Sennacherib,  though  longer  by 
six  years  than  that  of  his  father,  is  marked  by  fewer 
miUtary  expeditions,  but  the  campaigns  recorded  are, 
with  one  or  two  exceptions,  of  a  much  more  serious 
character  than  those  which  brought  Sargon  booty  and 
fame.  It  is  true  that  for  his  last  eight  years  (689- 
681  B.  c.)  he  has  left  no  memorials  of  his  activities. 
Yet  that  very  fact  indicates  how  Assyrian  rule  was 
changing  from  aggression  and  conquest  to  the  admin- 
istration of  an  organized  and  compact  state  as  the  out- 
come of  a  long  series  of  experiments  in  government, 
brought  to  a  climax  in'  the  reign  of  Sargon.  A 
demonstration  of  Assyrian  strength  by  a  raid  into 
the  southeastern  mountains  in  702  B.C.,  when  the 
Kassites  and  Illipi  were  again  punished,  an  expedi- 
tion to  the  northwest  among  the  tribes  of  Mount 
Nipur  and  into  Tabal,  which,  perhaps,  reached  as  far 
as  Cilicia,  in  697  B.  c,  and  a  campaign  among  the 
Arabian  tribes  in  his  later  years,  —  these  constitute  the 
sum  total  of  the  minor  wars  waged  by  Sennacherib. 
Along  the  eastern  and  northern  borders  and  in  Syria 
provincial  governors  kept  strict  ward  over  the  motley 
populations  under  their  sway,  and  carefully  watched 
all  signs  of  movement  in  the  outlying  peoples  beyond, 


266  ASSYRIA 

among  whom,   for  a  season,  a  strange  and   perhaps 
portentous  quiet  seemed  to  prevail. 

220.  Only  on  the  two  extremities  of  the  long  semi- 
circle of  lands  making  up  the  empire  did  serious 
difficulty  appear.  Babylonia  and  Palestine,  the  former 
especially,  were  the  two  problems  given  to  Sennacherib 
to  solve.  The  complexities  which  they  involved,  the 
new  factors  appearing  there,  the  daring  attempts  at 
solution,  and  the  tragic  elements  concerned  in  them 
make  Sennacherib's  reign  one  of  the  most  interesting 
and  baffling  studies  in  all  Assyrian  history. 

221.  The  Babylonian  difficulties  were  not  new. 
How  they  troubled  his  predecessors  has  already  been 
described  (sects.  189,  198,  206).  Babylonia  was  no 
longer  a  unity  under  the  rule  of  kings  of  Babylon, 
but  a  number  of  separate  principalities,  each  eager 
for  possession  of  the  capital  city  and  thus  the  nomi- 
nal headship  of  the  land.  Aramean  communities  lay 
on  the  north  and  east,  Arabians  on  the  west,  and 
Kaldean  states  on  the  south,  while  over  the  borders 
were  the  rivals  Assyria  and  Elam,  the  latter  just 
beginning  to  assert  itself,  both  determined  to  enter 
and  possess  the  land.  Babylon  itself,  the  genial 
fountain-head  of  religion,  culture,  and  mercantile 
activity,  alike  flattered  and  preyed  upon  by  these 
various  states,  containing  a  great  population  made  up 
of  heterogeneous  elements  with  inclinations  divided 
between  all  the  parties  that  invited  their  favor,  had  no 
unity  except  in  the  self-interest  concerned  with  the 
maintenance  of  its  religious  authority  and  its  commer- 
cial supremacy.  Tiglathpileser  III.  liiid  entered  the 
city  as  a  deliverer  from  the  anarchy  threatened  by  the 
incursions  of  Arameans  and  Kaldeans,  and,  as  king  by 


BABYLONIAN  DlFFtCULTlES  267 

the  grace  of  Bel,  had  been  welcomed.  Between  his 
rule  and  the  assumption  of  the  throne  by  S argon  had 
come  the  decade  of  Mardukbaliddin's  reign,  which 
had  doubtless  accustomed  the  Babylonians  to  Kaldean 
authority  and  had  strengthened  Kaldean  influence 
there.  After  the  first  year,  Sargon  relinquished 
the  title  of  king  for  that  of  regent  (sect.  216)  and, 
on  his  retirement  to  his  new  residence,  Dur  Sharrukin, 
must  have  ruled  Babylonia  by  a  royal  governor.  It 
is  suggested  by  a  passage  of  Berosus  that  he  placed 
a  younger  son  over  it  who  retained  his  position  on  the 
accession  of  Sennacherib.  If  the  king  thought  this 
flattering  to  the  Babylonians,  he  was  disappointed. 
They  would  have  none  but  the  great  king  himself, 
and  he  must  rule  as  king  of  Babylon,  not  of  Assyria. 
Sennacherib  had  reigned  hardly  a  year,  when  his 
brother  was  murdered,  and  a  Babylonian,  Marduk- 
zakir-shum,  made  king.  The  latter  was,  after  a  month, 
put  out  of  the  way  by  the  Kaldeans,  and  Marduk- 
baliddin  again  seized  the  throne  (704  B.C.).  Pie 
renewed  his  alliance  with  the  Aramean  communities 
and  with  Elam,  and  prepared  to  meet  the  Assyrians. 
Sennacherib  came  in  703  b.  c,  defeated  the  Kaldean 
at  Kish,  and  drove  him  out,  after  his  nine  months' 
reign.  He  entered  Babylon,  seized  the  palace  and 
treasures  of  Mardukbaliddin,  cleared  the  capital  and 
other  Babylonian  cities  of  the  Kaldeans  and  their  sym- 
pathizers, marched  into  Kaldu  and  laid  it  waste,  and 
returned  by  the  way  of  the  Aramean  states,  from 
which  he  carried  away  two  hundred  and  eight  thou- 
sand people  and  a  vast  spoil  in  cattle.  For  Babylon 
Sennacherib  provided  a  new  arrangement  which  he 
might  expect  to  be  altogetlier  agreeablie.     He  took  a 


26S  ASSYRIA 

young  Babylonian  noble,  Belibni,  who. had  been  reared 
at  his  court,  and  made  him  king  of  Babylon.  Natur- 
ally, Belibni  would  be  maintained  under  Assyrian 
protection,  but,  as  a  native  king,  he  would  represent 
to  the  jealous  Babylonians  the  preservation  and  main- 
tenance of  their  ancestral  rights.  The  arrangement 
seemed  to  promise  well. 

222.  Meanwhile,  in  the  opposite  quarter  of  the 
empire,  Mardukbaliddin,  during  his  nine  months' 
possession  of  Babylon,  had  succeeded  in  stirring  up 
disaffection  which  began  to  threaten  serious  trouble 
for  Sennacherib.  On  the  Phoenician  coastland  the 
kings  of  the  rich  and  energetic  city  of  Tyre  had  been 
gradually  extending  their  authority  over  the  neighbor- 
ing communities,  until  King  Lull,  who  was  reigning 
at  this  time  in  Tyre,  could  claim  supremacy  from 
Akko  to  Sidon  and  beyond,  and  was  ready  to  bring  no 
little  strength  to  an  organized  movement  for  throwing 
off  the  Assyrian  yoke.  In  Palestine  the  young 
Hezekiah  had  succeeded  his  father,  Ahaz,  upon  the 
throne  of  Judah,  the  leading  vassal  kingdom  in  that 
region.  Its  faithfulness  to  Assyria  had  been  sorely 
tried  during  the  reign  of  Sargon,  but  had  apparently 
stood  every  strain,  and  its  reward  was  freedom  from 
Assyrian  interference  and  a  high  degree  of  material 
prosperity.  Hezekiah,  however,  was  ambitious  and 
restless  under  the  Assyrian  yoke.  He  was  already 
entertaining  proposals  to  rebel,  when  he  suddenly 
fell  ill  (2  Kings  xx.  1).  The  desperate  situation  of  his 
house  and  people,  should  he  die  at  this  time,  stirred 
hinj  to  a  struggle  for  life,  which,  under  the  ministra- 
tions of  Isaiah,  prophet  of  Jehovah,  was  successful. 
Interpreting  this  event  as  a  sign  of  Jehovah's  approval, 


THE   OUTBREAK  IN   THE   WEST  269 

the  king  proceeded  more  boldly  with  his  rebellious 
plans.  A  visit  of  emissaries  from  Mardukbaliddin 
(2  Kings  XX.  12  f.),  who,  though  driven  from  Babylon, 
was  still  active  in  organizing  opposition  to  Assyria 
(702  B.  c),  secured  Hezekiah's  adherence  to  a  league 
which  included  the  Tyrian  and  Palestinian  states, 
Ammon,  Moab,  and  Edom,  the  Bedouin  on  the  east 
and  south,  as  well  as  the  Egyptians.  All  disguise 
was  thrown  off.  Padi,  the  king  of  the  Philistine  city 
of  Ekron,  who  would  not  join  the  rebels,  was  deposed 
and  delivered  to  Hezekiah.  Open  defiance  was  thus 
offered  to  Sennacherib. 

223.  The  Assyrian  was,  however,  apparently  well 
apprised  of  the  designs  of  the  leaguers,  and  determined 
to  forestall  them.  Early  in  701  B.  c.  he  appeared  on 
the  Mediterranean  coast  and  received  the  submission 
of  the  Phoenician  cities  with  the  exception  of  Tyre. 
Ammon,  Moab,  and  Edom  hastened,  also,  to  pay  hom- 
age at  that  time.  Lull  of  Tyre,  called  king  of  Sidon 
in  the  Assyrian  account,  retired  to  Cyprus,  and  his 
newly  acquired  Phoenician  kingdom  fell  to  pieces. 
The  omission  of  Tyre  from  the  submissive  cities  makes 
it  evident  that  Sennacherib  was  unable  to  capture  it 
at  this  time.  But  he  determined  to  set  up  a  rival 
which  would  effectually  prevent  it  from  giving  him 
trouble  and  from  re-establishing  its  influence  among 
the  Phoenician  cities.  For  this  purpose  he  chose 
Sidon,  appointed,  as  king  over  it,  Itobaal  (Assyr. 
Tubalu),  and  gave  him  suzerainty  over  the  cities  which 
had  acknowledged  the  authority  of  Tyre.  It  is  prob- 
able that  an  attack  was  made  upon  Tyre  by  a  naval 
force  collected  from  these  cities,  under  Sidon's  leader- 
ship;  but   the    assailants   were   repulsed,   and  Tyre 


270  ASSYRIA 

remained  independent  (Menander  in  Jos.  Ant.,  IX. 
14,  2). 

224.  Sennacherib,  without  waiting  for  the  issue 
of  the  attack  on  Tyre,  hurried  forward,  down  the 
coast  road,  to  strike  at  Askalon,  the  southernmost 
of  the  Philistine  cities  that  was  in  rebellion.  Hav- 
ing reduced  it  and  captured  its  king,  (^idqa,  he 
turned  toward  the  northeast,  and,  on  his  advance 
to  Ekron,  was  confronted  at  Altaqu  with  an  army 
led  by  the  chiefs  of  Muc^ri  and  Ethiopian-Egyptian 
generals.  The  force,  hastily  gathered  and  poorly 
commanded,  was  dispersed  without  difficulty.  Altaqu 
and  Timnath  were  despoiled,  and  Ekron  surrendered. 
All  opposition  on  the  coast  was  thus*  crushed.  Heze- 
kiah  was  isolated,  and  the  Assyrian  attack  could 
concentrate  on  Judah.  The  king  therefore  marched 
up  the  valleys  leading  to  the  plateau.  His  own 
words  describe  the  punishment  he  inflicted  upon  the 
unhappy  land: 

But  as  for  Hezekiah  of  Judah,  who  had  not  submitted 
to  my  yoke,  forty-six  of  his  strong  walled  cities  and  the 
smaller  cities  round  about  them,  without  number,  by  the 
battering  of  rams,  and  the  attack  of  war-engines  (?), 
by  making  breaches  by  cutting  through,  and  the  use  of 
axes,  I  besieged  and  captured.  Two  hundred  thousand 
one  hundred  and  fifty  people,  small  and  great,  male  and 
female,  horses,  mules,  asses,  camels,  cattle,  and  sheep, 
without  number,  I  brought  forth  from  their  midst  and 
reckoned  as  spoil.  (Hezekiah)  himself  I  shut  up  like 
a  caged  bird  in  Jerusalem,  his  royal  city.  I  threw  up 
fortifications  against  him,  and  whoever  came  out  of  the 
gates  of  his  city  I  punished.  His  cities,  which  I  had 
plundered,  I  cut  off  from  his  land  and  gave  to  Mitinti, 


SUBMISSION  OF  HEZEKIAH  27l 

King  of  Ashdod,  to  Padi,  King  of  Ekron,  and  to  Qil-Bel, 
King  of  Gaza,  and  (thus)  made  his  territory  smaller. 
To  the  former  taxes,  paid  yearly,  tribute,  a  present  for 
my  lordship,  I  added  and  imposed  on  him.  Heze- 
kiah  himself  was  overwhelmed  by  the  fear  of  the  bril- 
liancy of  my  lordship,  and  the  Arabians  and  faithful 
soldiers  whom  he  had  brought  in  to  strengthen  Jeru- 
salem, his  royal  city,  deserted  him.  Thirty  talents  of 
gold,  eight  hundred  talents  of  silver,  precious  stones, 
giUdi  daggassi^  large  lapis  lazuli,  couches  of  ivory, 
thrones  of  elephant  skin  and  ivory,  ivory,  ushu  and 
urharinu  woods,  of  every  kind,  a  heavy  treasure,  and 
his  daughters,  his  palace  women,  male  and  female 
singers,  to  Nineveh,  my  lordship's  city,  I  caused  to 
be  brought  after  me,  and  he  sent  his  ambassador  to  give 
tribute  and  to  pay  homage  (Taylor  Cyl.,  III.  11-41). 

225.  The  course  of  the  campaign,  as  here 
presented,  is  also  described  in  2  Kings  xviii.  and 
xix.  (see  Isa.  xxxvi.  and  xxxvii.),  and  a  harmoni- 
zation of  the  narratives,  though  difficult,  is  not 
impossible.  Sennacherib  did  not,  at  first,  attack 
Jerusalem,  but  only  blockaded  it,  and  leaving  fear 
and  famine  to  accomplish  its  surrender,  moved  south- 
ward, devastating  the  land  on  every  side,  until  he  came 
to  Lachish  and  Libnah.  The  capture  of  these  towns 
made  an  end  of  rebellion  in  the  southeastern  plain,  and 
completed  his  Palestinian  campaign,  which  had  swung 
around  in  a  great  circle  from  Askalon  in  the  south- 
west to  these  southeastern  cities.  Meanwhile  Heze- 
kiah  had  decided  to  submit ;  he  set  free  Padi,  king  of 
Ekron,  and  sent  to  Sennacherib,  at  Lachish,  for  terms 
of  surrender,  which  were  promptly  forthcoming  and 
as  promptly  met.  His  failure  to  present  himself  in 
person,  however,  angered  the  Assyrian.     Recognizing 


2T2  ASSYRIA 

also  the  danger  of  leaving  behind  him  Jerusalem, 
the  only  city  which  had  not  opened  its  gates  in  sub- 
mission, Sennacherib  demanded  the  surrender  of 
the  capital.  Meanwhile  he  himself,  it  appears,  ad- 
vanced farther  to  the  south.  But  the  year  was 
now  far  spent.  News  came  from  the  east  that  Mar- 
dukbaliddin  had  appeared  again  in  Babylonia.  Sen- 
nacherib had  already  decided  to  return,  when  it  seems 
that  pestilence  fell  upon  his  army.  He  was,  accord- 
ingly, forced  to  withdraw  the  detachment  from  Jeru- 
salem and  beat  a  hasty  retreat.  Having  laid  greater 
tribute  upon  the  subdued '  states,  he  returned  to 
Nineveh  with  the  heavy  spoil  of  the  west.  If  the 
close  of  his  campaign  had  been  inglorious,  he  had  suc- 
ceeded in  his  purpose.  Never  again  during  his  reign 
did  the  kings  of  the  west  raise  the  hand  of  revolt 
against  him.  The  punishment  had  been  effectual. 
Sennacherib  entered  the  west  only  once  again,  and 
then  only  to  make  a  foray  against  Arabian  tribes 
whose  constant  restlessness  needed  frequent  restraint 
and  sometimes  severe  chastisement. 

226.  Sennacherib's  well-meant  effort  to  conciliate 
the  Babylonians  had  ended  in  failure.  During  the 
king's  absence  in  the  west,  Belibni,  either  from  weak- 
ness or  seduced  by  the  opposition,  had  not  maintained 
his  fidelity  to  Assyria.  Babylonia  was  in  commotion, 
and  in  700  B.  c.  the  Assyrian  king  was  again  called 
there  by  an  alliance  of  the  Kaldeans  and  Elamites. 
Along  with  Mardukbaliddin  appeared  another  Kal- 
dean  chieftain,  Shuzub.  The  combination  was  dis- 
persed by  Sennacherib,  who  advanced  far  into  the 
marsh  lands  of  the  south.  Shuzub  disappeared  in 
the  swamps.     Maidukbaliddin,  with  his  people,  emi- 


THE  NAVAL  EXPEDITION  273 

grated  in  a  body  down  the  eastern  coast  of  the  gulf 
into  a  district  of  Elam.  He  must  have  died  soon 
after,  for  he  played  no  part  in  the  succeeding  events. 
Bit  Jakin,  his  principality,  was  utterly  devastated. 
A  new  experiment  was  tried  at  Babylon.  Sennach- 
erib made  his  eldest  son,  Ashur-nadin-shum,  king  of 
the  city,  and  carried  Belibni  and  his  counsellors,  in 
disgrace,  back  to  Assyria.  The  failure  of  the  coali- 
tion against  Assyria  caused,  also,  the  downfall  of 
the  Elamite  king,  who  was  dethroned  by  his  brother 
Khallushu.  The  way  seemed,  thus,  to  be  cleared 
for  the  new  regime  in  Babylonia  and,  in  fact,  Ashur- 
nadinshum  occupied  the  throne  for  six  years  (700- 
694  B.  c).  But  the  end  of  his  career  was  tragical, 
and  opened  another  period  of  trouble  for  the  unhappy 
land. 

227.  Sennacherib  employed  these  years  of  quiet 
in  preparations  for  a  military  expedition  which  was 
as  unique  in  its  method  as  it  was  audacious  in  its 
conception.  The  Kaldi,  whom  Mardukbaliddin  had 
carried  off  with  him  in  ships  to  the  eastern  shore  of 
the  Persian  gulf  and  brought  under  the  immediate 
shelter  of  Elam,  were  settled  on  the  lower  courses 
of  the  river  Karun,  the  waterway  from  the  south 
into  the  heart  of  Elam.  If  an  army  could  be  landed 
here,  it  might  be  able  not  only  to  destroy  these  enemies, 
but  even  make  its  way  to  the  Elamite  capital  Susa, 
and  strike  a  deadly  blow  at  the  power  of  Elam.  Two 
conditions  were  essential  for  the  success  of  this  enter- 
prise, a  fleet  at  the  head  of  the  gulf  for  the  transport 
of  troops,  and  secrecy  as  to  the  goal  and  the  prepara- 
tions for  the  expedition.  Accordingly  Phoenician 
ship-builders   and   sailors   from    the   vassal    state   of 

18 


274  ASSYRIA 

Sidon,  recently  favored  by  the  king  (sect.  223),  were 
secured,  and  a  shipyard  was  set  up  at  Til  Barsip  on 
the  upper  Euphrates;  ships  were  also  gathered  in 
Assyria.  At  an  appointed  time  both  fleets  were  sent 
down  the  rivers ;  the  Assyrian  ships,  for  the  sake  of 
secrecy,  had  been  transferred  at  Upi  to  the  Arakhtu 
canal,  and  were  thus  brought  into  the  Euphrates  above 
Babylon;  all  were  concentrated  at  the  appointed 
place,  where  the  troops  were  encamped,  awaiting  their 
arrival.  An  unexpected  flood  tide  delayed  them  for 
some  days,  but,  the  embarkation  once  made,  the  dis- 
tance was  quickly  traversed,  the  troops  landed  and 
the  surprised  Kaldeans  overwhelmed  (695-694:  B.C.). 
The  captives  were  loaded  into  the  ships  and  trans- 
ported to  Assyria,  the  main  body  of  the  troops 
apparently  being  left  behind  to  push  forward  into 
Elam.  But  in  some  way,  probably  by  the  treachery 
of  the  Babylonians,  news  of  the  expedition  had  come 
to  Elam,  and  Khallushu  determined  upon  a  stroke 
as  bold  as  that  of  Sennacherib  himself.  Hardly  had 
the  fleet  sailed,  when,  with  his  Elamites,  he  rushed 
down  upon  northern  Babylonia.  Sippar  Avas  taken 
by  storm,  and  Babylon,  cut  off  from  Assyrian  help 
both  north  and  south,  and  probably  unprepared  for 
so  sudden  an  onslaught,  surrendered  (694  B.  c). 
Ashurnadinshum  was  captured  and  carried  away 
to  Elam,  where  he  was  probably  put  to  death.  A 
Babylonian  noble,  Sliuzub,  was  placed  on  the  throne 
under  the  name  of  Nergal-ushezib,  and  supported  by 
Elamite  troops.  He  immediately  marched  southward 
to  overcome  the  Assyrian  garrisons  and  cut  off  the 
army  operating  in  southern  Elam.  But  news  of  the 
disaster  had  reached   the  king,  and  he  had   hastily 


BABYLONIAN  AND   ELAMITE    WARS  275 

returned.  He  made  Uruk  his  headquarters,  and 
awaited  the  coming  of  the  enemy,  who  were  occupied 
about  Nippur.  The  battle  between  the  two  armies 
took  place  in  September  (693  b.  c.  ),  and  Nergalu- 
shezib  w^as  defeated,  captured,  and  carried  off  to 
Assyria. 

228.  Whatever  aiTangements  Sennacherib  had  made 
for  the  government  in  Babylon,  on  the  fall  of  the 
usurper,  were  speedily  brought  to  naught  by  the 
Babylonians  themselves,  who  made  the  Kaldean  prince 
Shuzub  (sect.  226)  their  king,  under  the  name  of 
Mushezib  IMarduk  (693  b.  c).  Meanwhile  another 
revolution  had  broken  out  in  Elam  by  which  Khal- 
lushu  was  set  aside  and  Kudur-nakhundi  became 
king.  The  Assyrian  king  was,  as  it  seems,  already 
marching  down  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Tigris  again 
to  settle  affairs  in  Babylonia,  when  the  news  fiom 
Elam  induced  him  to  turn  his  arms  against  that 
enemy.  He  swept  through  the  lower  valleys  with 
fire  and  sword,  and,  though  the  winter  was  approach- 
ing, determined  to  advance  into  the  mountains 
whither  the  Elamite  king  had  withdrawn.  But 
hardly  had  he  entered  the  highlands  when  the  in- 
clemency of  the  weather  forced  him  to  retire  (692 
B.  c).  He  had,  however,  broken  the  prestige  of 
Kudurnakhundi,  who  lost  his  throne  to  his  brother, 
Umman-menanu,  after  hardly  a  year's  reign.  Mu- 
shezib Marduk  knew  that  his  turn  would  soon  come 
for  punishment,  and  made  a  vigorous  effort  to  defend 
himself.  He  called  for  aid  upon  the  new  Elamite 
king,  who  for  his  own  security  must  also  sliow  a 
bold  front  to  Assyria.  The  Babylonians  likewise 
felt  that  vengeance  would  fall  upon  them  for  their 


276  ASSYRIA 

treachery,  and  committed  an  act  which  revealed  their 
desperate  fear  and  hatred  of  Sennacherib.  They 
opened  the  treasuries  of  the  temples,  and  offered  the 
wealth  of  Marduk  for  the  purchase  of  Elamite  support. 
All  through  the  winter  of  692  b.  c.  the  preparations 
went  on  to  meet  the  Assyrian  advance.  A  great  army 
of  Elamites,  Arameans,  Babylonians,  and  Kaldeans  was 
gathered.  Sennacherib  compared  its  advance  to  "  the 
coming  of  locust-swarms  in  the  spring."  "  The  face 
of  the  heavens  was  covered  with  the  dust  of  their 
feet  like  a  heavy  cloud  big  with  mischief."  The 
battle  was  joined  at  Khalule,  on  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Tigris,  in  691  B.  c,  and,  after  a  long  and  fierce 
struggle,  the  issue  was  drawn.  Sennacherib  claimed 
a  victory,  but,  though  the  coalition  was  broken,  his 
own  forces  were  so  shattered  that  he  advanced  no 
farther,  and  left  to  Mushezib  Marduk  the  possession 
of  the  Babylonian  throne  for  that  year. 

229.  During  the  next  two  years  Sennacherib 
grappled  with  the  Babylonian  problem  and  brought 
it  to  a  definite  solution.  On  his  iidvance  in  690  B.  c. 
he  met  with  no  serious  opposition.  Ummanmenanu 
of  Elam  could  offer  no  aid  to  Mushezib  Marduk,  who 
was  speedily  seized  and  sent  to  Nineveh.  Babylon 
now  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  Assyrian,  whose  long- 
tried  patience  was  exhausted.  He  determined  on  no 
less  a  vengeance  than  the  total  destruction  of  the 
ancient  city.  The  work  was  systematically  and 
thoroughly  done.  The  temples  and  palaces  were 
levelled.  Fortifications  and  walls  were  uprooted. 
The  inhabitants  were  slaughtered;  even  those  who 
sought  refuge  in  the  temples  perished.  Images  of 
Babylonian   gods  were  not  spared.     Two  images  of 


DESTRUCTION  OF   BABYLON  277 

Assyrian  deities,  which  Marduknadinakhi  had  carried 
away  from  Ekallati  (sect.  145),  were  carefully  removed 
and  restored  to  their  cit}'.  The  canal  of  Arakhtu 
was  turned  from  its  bed  so  as  to  flow  over  the  ruins. 
The  immense  spoil  was  made  over  to  the  soldiers. 
The  district  was  then  placed  under  a  provincial 
government,  as  had  already  been  the  case  with  the 
lands  of  the  Kaldeans  and  Arameans  round  about  it. 
Sennacherib  thus  ruled  Babylon  till  his  death.  The 
Babylonian  kings'  list  names  him  as  "king"  both 
for  the  years  705-703  b.  c.  and  also  during  this  last 
period,  689-681  b.  c,  although  the  source  from  which 
Ptolemy  drew  his  information  denominated  both  these 
periods  "  kingless."  The  Assyrian  had  made  a  soli- 
tude and  called  it  peace. 

230.  The  last  years  of  Sennacherib  were  evidently 
embittered  by  family  difficulties,  of  which  some  traces 
appear  in  the  inscriptions.  When  the  unfortunate 
Ashurnadinshum  was  carried  away  to  Elam,  another 
son  of  the  king,  Ardi-belit,  was  recognized  as  crown 
prince.  Two  other  sons  are  mentioned,  Ashur-munik, 
for  whom  a  palace  was  built,  and  Esarhaddon.  This 
latter  prince,  for  reasons  not  now  discoverable,  began 
gradually  to  supplant  his  brothers  in  the  king's  favor. 
It  seems  probable,  though  absolute  proof  is  not  yet 
available,  that  he  was  appointed  governor  of  the 
province  of  Babylon  (680  b.  c),  and  a  curious  docu- 
ment has  been  preserved  in  which  his  father  confers 
upon  him  certain  gifts,  and  changes  his  name  from 
Esarhaddon  (Ashur-akh-iddin,  that  is,  "Ashur  has 
given  a  brother ")  to  Ashur-itil-ukin-apla,  that  is, 
"  Ashur  the  hero  has  established  the  son."  The  be- 
stowal of  the  name  suggests  the  choice  of  him  as  heir 


278  ASSYKIA 

and  successor  to  the  throne  in  preference  to  his  elder 
brother.  His  mother,  Naqia,  who  plays  an  important 
role  in  her  son's  reign,  may  have  had  her  part  in  the 
affair.  At  any  rate,  the  embittered  and  disgraced 
brother  sought  betimes  the  not  unusual  revenge. 
Associating,  it  may  be,  another  brother  with  him,  as 
2  Kings  xix.  36  f.  states,  he  slew  his  father  while 
worshipping  in  a  temple  of  ''  Nisroch "  (Nusku  ?). 
Thus,  once  more,  a  brilliant  reign  ended  in  shameful 
assassination,  and  revolution  was  let  loose  upon  the 
empire. 

231.  The  name  of  Sennacherib  is  intimately  asso- 
ciated with  the  city  of  Nineveh,  which  owes  its  fame, 
as  the  chief  capital  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  to  his 
choice  of  it  as  a  favorite  dwelling-place.  He  planned 
its  fortifications,  gave  it  a  system  of  water-works, 
restored  its  temples,  and  built  its  most  magnificent 
palaces.  The  city,  as  it  came  from  his  hands,  was  an 
irregular  parallelogram  that  lay  from  northwest  to 
southeast  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Tigris,  its 
western  side  about  two  and  one-half  miles  long, 
its  northern  over  a  mile,  its  eastern  more  than  three 
miles,  and  its  southern  half  a  mile  in  length,  making 
in  all  a  circuit  of  about  seven  miles.  Through  the 
middle  of  the  city  flowed,  from  east  to  west,  the  river 
Khusur,  an  affluent  of  the  Tigris.  Sennacherib  built 
massive  walls  and  gates  a,bout  the  city,  and  on  the 
eastern  side  toward  the  mountains  added  protecting 
ramparts.  A  quadruple  defence  was  made  on  this 
side.  A  deep  moat,  supplied  with  water  from  the 
Khusur,  was  also  led  along  tlie  eastern  face.  Diodo- 
rus  estimates  the  height  of  the  walls  at  one  hundred 
feet.     Their  general  width  was  about  fifty  feet,  and 


Nineveh 


THE  ROYAL  WORKS  AT  NINEVEH  279 

excavations  have  indicated  that  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
gates  they  were  more  than  one  hundred  feet  wide. 
The  arrangements  for  furnishing  the  city  with  water 
are  described  by  the  king  in  an  inscription,  carved 
upon  the  cliff  of  Bavian,  a  few  miles  to  the  northeast 
of  Nineveh  among  the  mountains.  Eighteen  moun- 
tain streams  were  made  to  pour  their  waters  into  the 
Khusur,  thus  securing  a  constant  flow  of  fresh  water. 
A  series  of  works  regulated  at  the  same  time  the 
storing  and  the  distribution  of  the  water,  and  made 
it  possible  for  the  city  to  maintain  an  abundant  sup- 
ply in  time  of  siege.  Two  lofty  platforms  along  the 
Tigris  front  of  the  city  had  served  as  the  foundations 
of  the  palaces  already  erected,  but  both  palaces  and 
platforms  had  fallen  into  decay.  The  northern  plat- 
form, now  known  as  the  mound  of  Kouyunjik,  lay 
in  the  upper  angle  formed  by  the  junction  of  the 
Khusur  and  the  Tigris.  Sennacherib  restored  and 
enlarged  this  platform,  changed  the  bed  of  the 
Khusnr  so  that  it  half  encircled  the  mound,  and 
built  in  the  southwest  portion  of  it  his  palace.  It 
has  been  only  partially  excavated,  yet  already  seventy- 
one  rooms  have  been  opened;  in  the  judgment 
of  competent  investigators,  the  palace  is  the  greatest 
built  by  any  Assyrian  monarch.  On  the  southern 
platform,  now  called  Nebiyunus,  the  king  built  an 
arsenal  for  the  storing  of  military  supplies.  His 
ideal  for  these  buildings  is  stated  by  himself  to  be 
that  they  should  excel  those  of  his  predecessors  in 
"adaptation,  size,  and  artistic  effect."  His  success 
in  the  latter  respect  is  no  less  remarkable  than  in  the 
two  former.  No  series  of  bas-reliefs  hitherto  executed 
in  Assyria,  or  even   in   the  ancient  world,  reaches 


280  ASSYRIA 

the  height  of  artistic  excellence  attained  by  those  of 
Sennacherib.  In  variety  of  subject-matter,  strength 
and  accuracy  of  portraiture,  simplicity  and  breadth 
of  composition,  they  are  among  the  most  remarkable 
productions  of  antiquity.  The  tendency  to  the  de- 
velopment of  the  background  and  setting  of  the  princi- 
pal subject,  already  observed  in  previous  work  (sects. 
175,  215),  has  reached  its  climax.  The  delineation 
of  building  operations  and  the  sense  for  landscape 
are  two  new  features  which  illustrate  the  larger 
outlook  characteristic  of  the  higher  civilization  and 
broader  culture  of  the  time.  Similar  characteristics 
appear  in  the  literary  remains  of  the  king.  Official 
as  they  are,  they  reveal,  as  compared  with  similar 
documents  of  earlier  kings,  a  feeling  for  literary 
effect,  an  element  of  subjectivity,  a  color  and  breadth 
of  composition,  which  are  unusual.  The  description 
of  the  battle  of  Khalule,  in  the  Taylor  inscription 
(ABL,  pp.  77-79),  in  spirit  and  vigor  leaves  little 
to  be  desired,  while  the  free  characterization  of 
personages  and  measures,  indulged  in  throughout  the 
inscription,  introduces  a  distinctly  fresh  note  into  these 
usually  arid  and  stereotyped  annalistic  documents. 
The  culture  of  the  time  may,  perhaps,  also 
be  illustrated  by  the  subtle  and  effective  speech 
of  the  Assyrian  royal  officer  to  the  people  of 
Jerusalem,  preserved  in  2  Kings  xviii.  19-35,  —  an 
argument  in  content  and  form  worthy  of  a  modern 
diplomatist. 

232.  What,  after  all,  shall  be  said  of  the  central 
figure  of  this  brilliant  time  and  of  the  work  which  he 
did  for  Assyria?  The  verdict  has,  in  general,  been 
unfavorable,  ranging  from  the   moderate   statement 


ESTIMATE  OF  SENNACHERIB  281 

that,  "  though  great,  he  was  so  by  no  desert  of  his 
own,"  to  the  thoroughgoing  condemnation  of  him  as 
'*  boastful,  arrogant,  cruel,  and  revengeful,"  whose 
"  vindictive  cruelty  was  only  equalled  by  his  almost 
incredible  impiety,"  exhibiting  "  blind  rage  "  and  the 
"  ruthless  malignity  of  the  narrow-minded  conqueror." 
The  chief  basis  for  the  extreme  view  must  lie,  in  part, 
in  the  striking  subjectivity  of  his  inscriptions  as 
already  referred  to,  and,  for  the  rest,  in  the  judg- 
ment passed  on  his  destruction  of  Babylon.  But  the 
former  ground  is  a  very  hazardous  basis  for  estimat- 
ing the  character  of  an  Assyrian  king,  since  he  cannot 
be  regarded  as  the  author  of  the  inscriptions  in  which 
he  thus  speaks.  Nor  should  the  destruction  of  Baby- 
lon be  singled  out  from  his  whole  career  as  the  sole 
test  of  his  character  and  work.  A  broader  view  may 
be  able  to  make  a  fairer  estimate  of  his  contribution 
to  Assyrian  history,  and  thereby  to  see  even  in  the 
overthrow  of  Babylon  something  more  than  one  of 
"  the  wildest  scenes  of  folly  in  all  human  history." 
As  a  soldier  he  was  active  and  brave  even  to  personal 
rashness  in  the  day  of  battle.  In  his  conduct  of  a 
campaign  he  will,  in  energy  and  rapidity  of  move- 
ment, bear  comparison  with  any  of  his  predecessors, 
and  in  the  daring  and  originality  of  his  strategy  he 
surpasses  them.  His  Palestinian  campaign  and  his 
naval  expedition  to  southern  Elam  are  conclusive 
illustrations.  It  is  true  that  disasters  attended  both 
these  campaigns,  but  they  were  such  as  could  hardly 
have  been  foreseen  and  prepared  for.  The  most 
that  can  be  said  against  him  as  a  soldier  is  that 
he  may  have  been  hasty  in  forming  plans,  and 
possibly   obstinate    in   carrying    them   through,   i\,n^ 


282  ASSYRIA 

that  unexpected  difficulties  robbed  him  of  complete 
success. 

233.  From  the  larger  point  of  view  his  dealings  with 
Babylon  may,  perhaps,  be  most  justly  estimated.  As 
the  heir  of  the  political  programme  of  Sargon,  he  found 
himself  face  to  face  with  the  problem  of  Babylonian 
prerogative.  The  unity  of  the  empire,  with  its  sys- 
tem of  vassal  kingdoms  and  of  provincial  government, 
could  not  harmonize  with  the  claims  of  Babylonian 
equality.  Sennacherib  tried  various  methods  of  in- 
corporating that  ancient  city  into  the  scheme  of 
imperial  unity,  but  in  vain.  Finally,  he  chose,  with 
characteristic  audacity  and  impetuousness,  to  cut  the 
knot,  to  maintain  the  unity  of  the  empire  upon  the 
ruins  of  Babylon.  The  solution  was  one  which  only 
a  man  of  genius  would  have  conceived  and  a  man  of 
intense  and  fiery  spirit  have  carried  through.  It 
may  be  that  he  also  desired  the  ruin  of  Babylon 
to  redound  to  the  higher  glory  of  Nineveh,  or  that 
he  was  inspired  to  the  act  by  his  anti-hierarchical  in- 
clinations and  his  wrath  at  Babylonian  obduracy  and 
treachery.  These  were,  however,  surely  secondary  to 
his  main  impulse,  his  determination  that  the  unity  of 
the  empire  should  be  secured,  so  far  as  it  involved 
Babylonia,  even  by  the  destruction  of  the  proud  city 
that  would  not  lower  her  head  and  for  whose  favor 
the  nations  round  about  were  forever  at  strife.  So 
far  as  the  immediate  problem  was  concerned,  he  was, 
indeed,  successful,  but  he  overestimated  his  power,  if 
he  thought  himself  able  to  wipe  out  a  past  so  ancient 
and  glorious,  and  to  prevent  the  gathering  of  man- 
kind to  a  spot  so  manifestly  intended  by  nature 
and  history   as    a  centre  of  commerce  and  cultur^t 


THE  PROBLEM  OV   THE  FUTURE 


283 


The  future  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  in  its  relation 
to  the  Babylon  soon  to  be  rejuvenated,  holds  the 
answer  to  the  question  whether  his  successors, 
who  reversed  his  policy ,  in  this  respect,  were  wiser 
than  he. 


vn 

IMPERIAL   EXPANSION    AND  DIVISION 
ESARHADDON.    081-668  B.C. 

234.  No  contemporary  narrative  has  been  preserved 
which  gives  in  clear  detail  the  story  of  the  critical 
months  that  followed  the  murder  of  Sennacherib. 
The  deed  was  done  on  the  twentieth  of  Tebet  (early 
in  January),  according  to  the  Babylonian  Chronicle. 
Second  Kings  xix.  37  states  that  his  murderers  es- 
caped into  the  land  of  "  Ararat,"  that  is,  Urartu. 
The  Chronicle  adds  that  the  insurrection  in  Assyria 
ceased  on  the  second  of  Adar  (middle  of  February), 
and  that  Esarhaddon  became  king  sixteen  (?)  days 
thereafter  (18th  (?)  of  Adar).  An  inscriptional  frag- 
ment of  Esarhaddon  seems  to  refer  to  events  of  these 
days  and  describes  the  climax  of  the  struggle : 

I  was  fierce  as  a  lion,  and  my  heart  (liver)  was  en- 
raged. To  exercise  the  sovereignty  of  my  father's  house 
and  to  clothe  my  priestly  office,  to  Ashur,  Sin,  Shamash, 
Bel,  Nabu  and  Nergal,  Ishtar  of  Nineveh,  Ishtar  of 
Arbela,  I  raised  *my  hands,  and  they  looked  with  favour 
on  my  petition.  In  their  eternal  mercy  they  sent  me  an 
oracle  of  confidence  —  viz. :  "  Go,  do  not  delay  ;  we  will 
march  at  thy  side  and  will  subjugate  thine  enemies.'* 
One  day,  two  days,  I  did  not  wait,  the  front  of  my  army 
I  did  not  look  upon,  the  rear  I  did  not  see,  the  appoint- 
ments for  my  yoked  horses,  the  weapons  for  my  battle  I 
did  not  inspect,  provisions  for  my  campaign  I  did  not 
issue.     The  furious  cold  of  the  month   of  Shebat,  the 


ESARHADDON^S  ACCESSION  285 

fierceness  of  the  cold  I  did  not  fear.  Like  a  flying 
sisinyiu  bird,  for  the  overthrow  of  mine  enemies,  I  opened 
out  my  forces.  The  road  to  Nineveh,  with  difficulty  and 
haste,  I  travelled.  Before  me  in  Hanigalbat,  all  of  their 
splendid  warriors  seized  the  front  of  my  expedition  and 
forced  a  battle.  The  fear  of  the  great  gods,  my  lords, 
overwhelmed  them.  They  saw  the  approach  of  my 
mighty  battle  and  they  became  insane.  Ishtar,  the  mis- 
tress of  onslaught  and  battle,  the  lover  of  my  priestly 
office  stood  at  my  side  and  broke  their  bows.  She  broke 
up  their  compact  line  of  battle,  and  in  their  assembly 
they  proclaimed,  "  This  is  our  king."  By  her  illustrious 
command  they  joined  themselves  to  my  side  (Cyl.  B, 
I.  1-25). 

235.  While  it  is  possible  that  Esarhaddon  was  in  the 
far  northwest  when  he  received  news  of  the  murder, 
and  that  he  proceeded  hastily  toward  Nineveh  only  to 
find  the  army  of  his  brothers  barring  his  way,  his  more 
probable  starting-point  was  Babylonia,  where  he  was 
governor  (sect.  230),  whence  his  march  would  take 
him  northward  through  Nineveh,  the  murderers  retir- 
ing before  his  advance,  until  the  decisive  battle  was 
fought  on  the  upper  Euphrates.  The  desertion  of  a 
part  of  the  hostile  forces  sealed  the  fate  of  the 
insurrection.  The  brothers  escaped  to  Urartu,  and 
Esarhaddon  became  king  (March,  681  B.  c). 

236.  The  inscriptions  of  the  king,  which  are  avail- 
able for  his  reign,  are  not  chronologically  arranged, 
and  hence  some  uncertainty  exists  as  to  the  duration 
and  order  of  his  various  activities,  which  is  not 
altogether  dispelled  by  the  useful  chronology  of  the 
Babylonian  Chronicle.  They  describe,  however,  the 
important  movements,  both  of  war  and  peace,  in  suffi- 


^86  ASSYl^lA 

cient  fulness  and  with  a  variety  of  picturesque 
detail  that  suggests  the  influence  of  the  literary 
school  of  the  time  of  Sennacherib.  No  such  splendid 
battle-scenes  as  that  of  Khalule  (sect.  231)  decorate 
the  narratives,  which,  indeed,  reveal  a  decline  in  energy 
and  an  inclination  to  fine  writing  that  reaches  its 
climax  in  the  following  reign.  The  numerous  build- 
ing inscriptions  illustrate  a  prominent  and  important 
feature  of  the  king's  rule.  On  the  southern  platform 
of  Nineveh,  he  erected  a  palace  and  arsenal  on  the  site 
of  the  building  of  Sennacherib  (sect.  231),  which  had 
grown  too  small.  At  Kalkhi  his  palace  occupied  the 
southwestern  corner  of  the  mound ;  it  was  partially  ex- 
cavated by  Layard.  The  indications  are  that  it  was 
unfinished  at  the  time  of  the  king's  death.  Curiously 
enough,  there  were  found  piled  up  in  it  a  number  of 
slabs,  from  the  palace  of  Tiglathpileser  III. ;  these  had 
been  trimmed  off,  preparatory  to  recarving  and  fitting 
them  for  use  in  the  new  edifice  (sect.  187).  A  char- 
acteristic of  both  of  his  palaces,  indicative  perhaps 
of  a  new  architectural  impulse,  is  the  great  hall  of 
unusual  width,  its  roof  supported  by  pillars  and 
a  medial  wall.  Another  striking  feature  is  the  use 
of  sphinxes  in  decoration.  No  bas-reliefs  of  any 
significance  have  as  yet  been  discovered.  A  tunnel 
was  built  by  the  king  to  bring  the  waters  of  the  upper 
Zab  to  Kalkhi,  a  renewal  of  the  channel  dug  by 
Ashurnagirpal.  Esarhaddon  was  also  pre-eminently 
a  temple- builder.  He  rebuilt  the  temple  of  Ashur 
at  Nineveh.  In  Babylonia  he  was  especially  active, 
the  temples  at  Uruk,  Sippar,  Dur  llu,  Borsippa,  and 
elsewhere  being  restored  by  him.  Not  less  than  thirty 
temples  in  all  bore  marks  of  his  work. 


R^Bt^ILDlNG  OP  BABYLON  287 

237.  His  crowning  achievement  in  this  respect  was 
the  reconstruction  of  the  city  of  Babylon,  to  the 
account  of  which  he  devotes  several  inscriptions. 
The  wrath  of  Marduk  at  the  spoiling  of  his  treasure 
in  order  to  send  it  to  Elam  (sect.  228)  had  been  the 
cause  of  the  city's  destruction.  *'He  had  decreed 
ten  years  as  the  length  of  its  state  of  ruin,  and  the 
merciful  Marduk  was  speedily  appeased  and  he  drew 
to  his  side  all  Babylonia.  In  the  eleventh  year  I 
gave  orders  to  re-inhabit  it  "  (The  Black  Stone  Inscr., 
ABL,  p.  88).  For  Marduk  had  chosen  him  in  prefer- 
ence to  his  elder  brothers  for  this  work.  With  pro- 
foundly solemn  and  impressive  religious  ceremonies, 
the  enterprise  was  undertaken,  all  Babylonia  being 
summoned  for  service  and  the  king  himself  assuming 
the  insignia  of  a  laborer.  The  temple,  Esagila,  the 
inner  w^all,  Imgur-bel,  the  ramparts,  Nemitti-Bel,  began 
to  rise  in  surpassing  strength  and  magnificence.  The 
royal  bounties  for  the  service  of  the  sanctuary  were 
renewed.  The  scattered  population  was  recalled.  It 
is  not  unlikely  that  the  city  had  not  been  so  utterly 
destroyed  as  Sennacherib's  strong  language  suggests. 
The  walls,  temples,  and  palaces  were,  indeed,  demol- 
ished, but  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  site  had  been 
utterly  abandoned  during  these  years.  As  the  destruc- 
tion involved  the  taking  away  of  the  religious,  political, 
and  commercial  supremacy  of  the  city  in  punishment 
for  its  rebelliousness,  but  not  necessarily  its  complete 
desolation,  so  the  rebuilding  signified  that  its  former 
headship  and  prerogative  were  restored  under  the  fos- 
tering favor  of  the  ruler  of  the  empire.  Hence  the  king 
called  it  "  the  protected  city."  The  same  conclusion 
follows  from  the  fact  that  the  work  was  practically 


l!88  ASSYRIA 

completed  in  three  years  (680-678  B.  c).  The  estates 
of  the  nobility  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city,  which  had 
been  appropriated  by  the  Kaldeans  of  Bit  Dakurri, 
were  restored  to  them,  and  the  king  of  that  princi- 
pality paid  for  his  crime  by  the  loss  of  his  throne. 

238.  This  important  enterprise  had  a  political  as  well 
as  an  architectural  significance.  It  involved  the  re- 
versal of  Sennacherib's  policy,  and  reinstated  Babylon 
among  the  problems  of  imperial  rule.  The  motives 
which  induced  Esarhaddon  to  take  this  step  have  been 
variously  conceived.  He  himself  ascribes  it  to  the 
mercy  and  forgivingness  of  the  gods.  But  religion 
in  antiquity,  particularly  official  religion,  usually  gave 
its  oracles  in  accordance  with  royal  or  priestly  policy, 
and  the  question  therefore  still  remains.  A  clew  may 
be  found  in  the  personal  interest  taken  by  the  king 
in  Babylon  and  its  affairs  owing  to  his  residence  there 
as  governor,  or  to  family  ties,  if,  as  is  assumed, 
his  mother  or  wife  belonged  to  the  Babylonian  no- 
bility. He  may  have  thus  paid  off  a  political  debt, 
as  his  accession  to  the  throne  had  been  made  possible 
by  the  immediate  acknowledgment  of  him  as  king  in 
Babylon  and  through  the  aid  furnished  him  by  Baby- 
lonian troops.  By  some  scholars  the  fundamental 
political  division  in  the  empire  is  assumed  to  account 
for  the  undertaking.  This  division  appeared  origi- 
nally between  hierarchy  and  army  (sect.  185),  but  now 
took  the  more  concrete  form  of  Nineveh  against  Baby- 
lon without  losing  the  inveterate  opposition  of  a  mili- 
tary and  secular  policy  to  a  peaceful  and  commercial, 
a  cultural  and  religious  ideal.  Sennacherib  devoted 
himself  to  the  interests  of  Nineveh  and  the  army ; 
Esarhaddon  took  the  opposite  course,  and  the  rehabili- 


BABYLOKIAN  INFLUENCES  AT  THE  COURT     289 

tation  of  Babylon  naturally  followed.  This  theory  is 
too  rigorously  maintained  and  applied  by  its  advo- 
cates ;  one  cannot  conceive  that  any  Assyrian  ruler  or 
party  would  voluntarily  undertake  to  set  Babylon 
above  Nineveh,  or  that  the  ambitions  of  the  Babylo- 
nian hierarchy  would  not  be  offset  by  the  equally  pre- 
tentious claims  of  the  Assyrian  priesthood.  Yet  it  is 
quite  probable  that  at  the  Assyrian  court  Babylonian 
influences  emanating  from  personal,  religious,  and  com- 
mercial interests  alike,  were  strong,  and  at  this  time 
may  have  overruled,  in  the  king's  mind,  the  counsel 
of  those  who  regarded  the  rebuilding  of  the  city  as 
inimical  to  the  welfare  of  the  state.  The  very  violence 
of  Sennacherib's  measures  would  tend  to  produce  a 
reaction  of  which  the  representatives  of  Babylon's 
wrongs  would  not  fail  to  take  advantage.  Whatever 
may  have  been  Esarhaddon's  motive,  his  inscriptions 
reveal  the  lively  interest  he  took  in  the  work,  and  the 
importance  he  attached  to  its  completion. 

239.  In  connection  with  the  rebuilding  of  the  city 
Esarhaddon,  as  shakkanak  of  Babylon  (sect.  216),  was 
engaged  in  the  reorganization  and  administi-ation  of 
Babylonia.  During  the  troubles  connected  with  the 
succession,  the  Kaldi,  under  the  leadership  of  a  son  of 
Maxdukbaliddin,  named  Nabu-zer-napishti-lishir,  took 
up  arms  and  besieged  Ur.  The  energetic  advance  of 
the  provincial  governor  of  southern  Babylonia  into 
his  domain  compelled  the  Kaldean  to  retreat  and 
finally  to  flee  to  Elam,  his  father's  old  resort  in  time 
of  trouble.  There  Ummanmenanu  had  been  succeeded 
by  Khumma-khaldash  I.,  and  he  by  another  of  the  same 
name.  Khummakhaldash  11. ,  however,  contrary  to 
the  policy  of  his  predecessors,  put  the  fugitive  to 


290  ASSYRIA 

death.  His  brother  Na'id  Marduk,  who  had  accom- 
panied him,  fled  to  Assyria  and  threw  himself  on  the 
mercy  of  Esarhaddon,  who  promptly  made  him  vassal- 
lord  of  the  Kaldi,  and  thereby  not  only  widened  the 
breach  between  the  Kaldi  and  Elam  but  also  secured 
the  allegiance  of  the  former.  The  Gambulians,  an 
Aramean  tribe  of  the  southeast,  were  likewise  won 
to  the  Assyrian  side,  and  their  capital  fortified 
against  Elam.  Still,  though  thus  isolated,  the  Elara- 
ites  ventured  a  raid  into  northern  Babylonia  (674 
B.  c),  while  Esarhaddon  was  in  the  west,  and  his 
mother,  Naqia,  was  acting  as  regent.  They  stormed 
Sippar  and  carried  away  the  gods  of  Agade,  but  were 
evidently  prevented  from  doing  further  damage  by 
the  well- organized  system  of  Assyrian  defence.  It 
seems  that  this  somewhat  unsuccessful  expedition 
cost  Khummakhaldash  II.  his  throne.  The  same 
year  he  died  "  without  being  sick,"  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  brother,  Urtagu  (Urtaki),  who  signalized  his 
accession  by  returning  the  gods  of  Agade.  He 
continued  the  policy  of  peace  with  Assyria  during 
Esarhaddon's  reign.  It  is  probable  that  not  only 
the  Assyrian  defensive  arrangements,  but  also 
troubles  arising  on  his  northern  and  eastern  frontiei'S 
from  the  encroachments  of  the  Medes,  explain  this 
attitude. 

240.  Assyria,  likewise,  had  her  problem  to  solve 
upon  the  northern  frontier.  During  the  quiet  which 
reigned  here  in  the  years  of  Sennacherib  (sect.  219), 
the  Medes  of  the  northeast  had  been  passing  from  the 
condition  of  tribal  independence  into  a  somewhat  con- 
solidated confederacy,  which  now  acknowledged  as 
leader  a  certain  Mamitiarshu,  who  is  called  in  Assyr- 


APPEARANCE  OF  THE  KIMMERIANS  291 

ian  documents  "  lord  of  the  cities  of  the  Medes."  In 
the  north  the  kingdom  of  Urartu  was  held  in  check  by 
the  Mannai,  who  owed  their  place  and  power  to  Assyr- 
ian favor  (sect.  210) ;  but  in  the  last  years  of  Senna- 
cherib, a  new  wave  of  migratory  peoples  came  rolling 
down  from  the  Caucasus.  It  broke  on  the  Assyrian 
border  and  produced  confusion  and  turmoil.  These 
peoples  were  called  by  the  Assyrians  Gimirrai  (angli- 
cized, through  the  Greek,  as  "  Kimmerians  ").  Reach- 
ing the  high  and  complex  mountain-mass  behind 
which  lay  Urartu,  they  seem  to  have  split  into  two 
divisions,  one  moving  westward  along  the  Anti- 
Taurus  into  Asia  Minor,  the  other  likewise  follow- 
ing the  mountains  in  their  southeasterly  trend  toward 
Iran.  In  both  directions  they  emerged  upon  territory 
under  Assyrian  influence,  and  came  into  conflict  with 
Assyrian  troops.  The  western  body  came  out  above 
the  upper  Euphrates,  in  the  provinces  of  Milid  and 
Tabal,  where  Esarhaddon  met  them  under  the  leader- 
ship of  a  certain  Teushpa,  whom  he  claims  to  have  de- 
feated. If  the  restoration  of  the  reading  in  a  broken 
place  in  the  Babylonian  Chronicle  is  correct,  this 
battle  took  place  as  early  as  678  B.  c.  The  result  of 
it  seems  to  have  been  to  drive  the  Gimirrai  farther  to 
the  northwest,  where  they  fell  upon  the  kingdom 
of  Phrygia.  The  complications  in  the  northeast  were 
much  more  formidable.  Urartu  became  restless,  and 
it  is  not  surprising  therefore,  that  the  sons  of  Sen- 
nacherib, who  murdered  him,  fled  northward,  made 
their  stand  on  the  upper  Euphrates,  and  finally  took 
refuge  in  Urartu.  Their  presence  there  may  have 
had  something  to  do  with  the  disturbances  which  soon 
arose  on  the  frontiers.     These  broke  out,  however,  not 


292  ASSYRIA 

in  Urartu,  but  in  the  pro-Assyrian  s,tate  of  the  Mannai, 
which  seems  to  have  united  with  the  Gimirrai,  and 
threatened  Assyrian  supremacy  in  the  mountains. 
Then,  as  the  Gimirrai  pushed  farther  to  the  southeast, 
they  sought  alliance  with  the  Medes.  Before  the 
Assyrians  were  awake  to  the  situation,  they  were 
startled  to  find  that  the  Gimirrai,  Mannai,  and  Medes 
were  forming  a  league  under  the  leadership  of  Kash- 
tarit,  lord  of  Karkashshi.  A  series  of  curious  docu- 
ments, apparently  official  inquiries  made  of  the  sun 
god  with  reference  to  these  disturbances  and  the 
king's  measures  taken  to  quiet  them,  reveals  at  the 
same  time  the  gravity  of  the  situation  and  the  pro- 
cedure prerequisite  to  Assyrian  diplomatic  and  mili- 
tary activity  (Knudtzon,  Assyrische  Gebete).  The 
Assyrian  plan  is  laid  before  the  god  for  his  approval ; 
an  oracle  as  to  the  outcome  of  the  king's  policy  or  of 
the  enemy's  reported  movements  is  requested  in  a 
fashion  which,  though  introduced  and  accompanied 
with  a  stately  and  elaborate  ritual,  is  in  essence  sim- 
ilar to  that  employed  by  the  kings  of  Israel  (1  Sam. 
XXX.  8;  1  Kings  xxii.  5,  15).  From  Esarhaddon's 
own  report  and  the  hints  given  in  these  prayers,  the 
details  of  the  wars  can  be  recovered  and  the  general 
result  stated.  How  many  years  the  struggle  contin- 
ued is  quite  uncertain;  it  was  brought  to  an  end 
before  678  b.  c.  The  league  against  Assyria  failed  to 
do  serious  harm,  as  much  because  of  its  own  weakness 
as  through  Esarhaddon's  attacks  upon  it.  Promises 
which  were  made  to  some  tribes  detached  tliem  from 
the  alliance  ;  a  King  Bartatua  seems  to  have  secured 
as  his  reward  a  wife  from  the  daughters  of  Assyria's 
royal  house  j  some  Median  ghief  tains,  who  were  being 


THE  SITUATION  IN  THE  WEST  293 

forced  into  the  league,  made  their  peace  with  Assyria 
and  sought  protection.  Campaigns  were  made  against 
the  Mannai  and  their  Kimmerian  or  Scythian  ally, 
king  Ishpaka,  of  Ashguza  (Bibl.  Ashkenaz  ?),  and 
against  Median  tribes  in  the  eastern  mountains.  In- 
trigues were  set  on  foot  to  array  the  different  peoples 
one  against  another.  Urartu,  even,  came  to  terms 
with  Assyria,  and  in  672  B.  c,  when  Esarhaddon  was 
recovering  from  the  Gimirrai  the  fortress  of  Shu- 
pria,  he  set  free  Urartians  who  were  found  there  and 
permitted  them  to  return  home.  Esarhaddon  had  suc- 
ceeded in  averting  the  storm  and  in  protecting  his 
frontiers,  as  well  as  in  inflicting  punishment  upon  the 
intruders  by  campaigns  which  he  had  made  into  the 
regions  of  disturbance ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that 
he  extended  Assyrian  authority  there,  or  even  that 
he  established  on  a  firm  basis  in  the  border-lands 
the  Assyrian  provincial  system.  On  this  side  of 
his  empire  the  stream  of  migration  was  neither 
turned  aside  nor  dissipated;  it  was  merely  halted 
at  the  frontier.  In  such  a  situation  the  future  was 
ominous. 

241.  If  Esarhaddon  had  been  able  to  do  little  more 
in  the  north  than  maintain  his  frontier  intact,  bis 
activity  in  the  west  was  productive  of  a  far  more 
brilliant  result.  It  is  a  signal  testimony  to  Sen- 
nacherib's administration  of  the  empire  that  for  more 
than  twenty  years  after  the  expedition  of  701  B.  c.  no 
troubles  appeared  in  the  western  provinces,  not  even 
when  the  new  king  came  to  the  throne  in  circum- 
stances so  favorable  to  uprisings  in  dependent  states. 
Several  years  after  the  accession  of  Esarhaddon  the 
first  difficulty  arose,  in  connection  with  Sidon.     This 


294  ASSYRIA 

city   owed    its    power    and    prosperity    to    Assyria, 
favored  as  it  had  been  by  Sennacherib  as  a  rival  to 
Tyre  (sect.    223).     Its  king,  Itobaal,  had  been  suc- 
ceeded by  Abdimilkuti.     He  proceeded  to  withhold 
the  usual  tribute  (about  678  B.  c),  relying    appar- 
ently upon  a  league  formed  with   Sanduarri,  a  king 
of  some  cities   of   Cilicia  (?),    and  hoping   also  for 
assistance  possibly   from  the  kings    of   Cyprus   and 
Egypt.     In    this    he    was     disappointed,    and    when 
Esarhaddon  appeared  (676  B.  c.  ?),  he  made  little  re- 
sistance, fled  to  the  west,  and,  together  with  his  ally, 
was  after  a  year  or  two  caught  and  beheaded.     Sidon 
was  treated  as  Babylon ;  it  was  utterly  destroyed,  the 
immense  booty  transported  to  Assyria,  and   a   new 
city  built  near  the  site,  called  Kar  Esarhaddon,  in  the 
erection  of  which  the  vassal  kings  of  the  west  gave 
assistance.     In  the  list  of  these  kings  appears  Baal 
of  Tyre,  who,  either  at  this  time  or  in  Sennacherib's 
reign,    had   yielded    to   Assyria.     The    same    kings, 
together  with  the  kings  of  Cyprus  who  renewed  their 
allegiance  on  Sidon's  downfall,  contributed  materials 
for  the  building  of  Esarhaddon 's  palace  in  Nineveh. 
The  list  is  instructive,  as  showing  the  states  which 
at  this  date  (about  674  b.  c.)  retained  their  autonomy 
in  vassalage  to  Assyria. 

Ba'al  of  Tyre,  Manasseh  of  Judah,  Qaushgabri  of 
Edom,  MuQuri  of  Moab,  Cil-Bel  of  Gaza,  Metiriti  of 
Askelon,  Ikausu  of  Ekroii,  Milkiashapa  of  Byblos, 
Matanbaal  of  Arvad,  Abibaal  of  Samsimuruna,  Buduil  of 
Ammon,  Ahimilki  of  Ashdod,  twelve  kings  of  the  sea- 
coast  ;  Ekishtura  of  Edial,  Pilagura  of  Kitrusi,  Kisu  of 
Sillua,  Ituandar  of  Paphos,  Eresu  of  Sillu,  Damasu  of 
JCuri^   Atmesu  of   Tamesu,   Damusi   of    Qartibadashti^ 


THE  ADVANCE  ON  EGYPT  295 

Unasagusu  of  Sidir,  Bu-qu-su  of  Nure,  ten  kings  of 
Cyprus  in  the  midst  of  the  sea,  in  all  twenty-two  kings 
of  Khatti  (Cyl.  B,  Col.  v.  13-26 ;  ABL,  p.  86). 

242.  Esarhaddon's  activities  in  the  west,  however, 
contemplated  something  more  than  the  restraining 
of  uneasy  vassals  or  the  conquest  of  rebellious  states. 
Egypt  was  his  goal.  It  is  conclusive  for  the  view 
that  the  enmity  of  Egypt  had  for  a  long  time  been 
the  chief  hindrance  to  Assyrian  aggression  in  the 
west,  and  its  overthrow  a  standing  purpose  of  the 
Sargonids,  that  Esarhaddon,  at  the  first  moment  of 
freedom  from  complications  elsewhere,  proceeded  to 
lay  plans  for  attacking  it.  The  breadth  of  the  plans 
and  the  persistency  of  his  activities  show  that  he  re- 
garded Egypt  as  "  an  old  and  inveterate  foe."  Ever 
since  the  Ethiopian  dynasty  had  unified  Egypt,  the 
interference  of  Egypt  with  Syria  and  Palestine,  first 
under  Sabako,  then  under  his  successor,  Shabitoku 
(about  703-693  B.C.),  and  now  under  the  vigorous 
and  enterprising  Taharqa  (about  693-666  B.  c),  had 
been  offensive  and  persistent.  It  was  now,  at  last,  to 
be  grappled  with  in  earnest  by  Esarhaddon.  In  the 
light  of  his  Egyptian  goal  his  Arabian  campaigns  are 
comprehensible.  The  Assyrian  yoke  was  fixed  more 
firmly  on  the  Aribi,  to  whose  king,  Hazael,  were  re- 
turned his  gods  captured  by  Sennacherib.  A  Queen 
Tabua  was  appointed  to  joint  sovereignty  with  Hazael, 
and,  upon  his  death,  his  son  Yailu  was  seated  on  the 
throne.  The  districts  of  Bazu  and  Hazu,  somewhere  in 
southwestern  Arabia,  were  subjugated  after  a  march 
the  appalling  difficulties  of  which  are  imaginatively 
described  in  the  king's  narrative.     These  campaigns 


296  ASSYRIA 

(675-674  B.  c.)  preceded  the  first  advance  against 
Eg3^pt  in  674  B.  c,  in  which  the  Egyptian  border  was 
crossed,  and  a  basis  for  further  progress  established. 
The  next  year,  however,  if  Kundtzon's  reading  of  the 
confused  statement  of  the  Babylonian  Chronicle  at 
this  point  is  correct,  the  Assyrian  army  was  defeated 
and  driven  out.  It  was  this  disaster  which  probably 
emboldened  Baal,  King  of  Tyre,  to  withhold  his 
tribute.  Esarhaddon,  nothing  daunted,  spent  two 
years  in  more  extensive  preparations,  and  was  on  his 
way  to  the  west  by  670  B.  c.  Baal  was  summoned 
to  surrender,  and,  when  he  refused  and  retired  to  his 
island  citadel,  he  was  besieged,  while  the  army  moved 
on  southward.  The  course  of  the  campaign  cannot 
be  described  more  vividly  and  tersely  than  in  the 
royal  inscription  of  Samal  : 

As  for  Tarqu,  King  of  Egypt  and  Cush,  who  was 
under  the  curse  of  their  great  divinity,  from  Ishupri 
as  far  as  Memphis,  his  royal  city  —  a  march  of  fifteen 
days  —  every  day  without  exception  I  killed  his  warriors 
in  great  number,  and  as  for  him,  five  times  with  the 
point  of  the  spear  I  struck  him  with  a  deadly  stroke. 
Memphis,  his  royal  city,  in  half  a  day,  by  cutting 
through,  cutting  into  and  scaling  (?)  I  besieged,  I  con- 
quered, I  tore  down,  I  destroyed,  I  burned  with  fire, 
and  the  wife  of  his  palace,  his  palace  women,  Ushana- 
huru,  his  own  son,  and  the  rest  of  his  sons,  his  daughters, 
his  property  and  possessions,  his  horses,  his  oxen,  his 
sheep  without  number,  I  carried  away  as  spoil  to 
Assyria.  I  tore  up  the  root  of  Cush  from  Egypt,  a 
single  one  —  even  to  the  suppliant  —  I  did  not  leave 
behind.  Over  all  Egypt  I  appointed  kings,  prefects, 
governors,    grain-inspectors,   mayors,    and    secretaries. 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  EGYPT  297 

I  instituted  regular  offerings  to  Asliur  and  the  great 
gods,  my  lords,  for  all  time.  I  placed  on  them  the 
tribute  and  taxes  of  my  lordship,  regularly  and  without 
fail  (Mon.  38-51 ;  ABL,  p.  92). 

243.  Twenty  Egyptian  city-princes,  headed  by  Necho 
of  Sais,  were  said  to  have  yielded  to  Esarhaddon,  and, 
after  taking  the  solemn  oath  of  fidelity  to  Ashur, 
were  confirmed  in  their  authority,  subject  to  the 
oversight  of  Assyrian  officials  (^qipani,  sect.  167). 
The  usual  tribute  was  required.  Last  named  among 
these  princes  was  the  king  of  Thebes ;  yet  he  could 
have  paid  but  nominal  homage  at  this  time,  for  only 
after  some  years  did  his  city  fall  into  the  hands  of 
Assyria.  It  is  evident  that  Esarhaddon  proposed, 
by  these  measures,  to  incorporate  at  least  lower  Egypt 
into  his  empire.  On  his  return  he  set  up  the  stele 
at  Samal,  in  which  he  appears,  endowed  with  heroic 
proportions,  and  holding  a  cord  attached  to  rings  in  the 
lips  of  two  lesser  figures,  his  captives,  one  of  whom 
on  his  knees  is  evidently  Taharqa  of  Egypt,  and 
the  other  presumably  Baal  of  Tyre.  The  inscription, 
however,  says  nothing  of  Baal's  surrender,  and  his 
submission,  if  offered,  was  merely  nominal.  A 
similar  image  and  superscription  appears  graven  on 
tlie  cliffs  of  the  Nahr-el-Kelb,  side  by  side  with  the 
proud  bas-reliefs  of  Egyptian  conquerors  of  former 
centuries.  Another  long-sought  goal  of  Assyrian 
kings  had  been  attained,  and  Esarhaddon  was  the 
first  of  their  line  to  proclaim  himself  "King  of  the 
kings  of  Egypt."  But  a  year  had  hardly  passed 
when  he  was  summoned  to  Egypt  again  by  a  fresh 
inroad  of  Taharqa.  He  set  out  in  668  B.C.,  but 
never  returned,   dying  on  the   march  in    the    last 


298  ASSYRIA 

of  October.  The  expedition  was  concluded  tri- 
umphantly by  his  son  and  successor. 

244.  As  if  anticipating  that  he  would  never  return 
from  the  campaign,  Esarhaddon  had,  in  that  very 
year,  completed  the  arrangements  for  the  succession 
to  the  throne.     At  the  feast  of  Gula  (last  of  April, 

668  B.  c.)  the  proclamation  was  made  to  the  people 
of  the  empire  that  Ashurbanipal,  his  eldest  son,  was 
appointed  king  of  Assyria,  and  a  younger  son,  Sham- 
ash-shum-ukin,  was  to  be  king  of  Babylon.  Other 
sons  were  made  priests  of  important  temples.  This 
procedure  seems  to  have  been  necessitated  by  court 
or  dynastic  difficulties  which  troubled  the  last  years 
of  the  king.     The  Babylonian  Chronicle,  at  the  year 

669  B.  c,  has  the  significant  statement :  "  The  king 
remained  in  Assyria;  he  put  to  death  many  nobles 
with  the  sword."  It  is  easy  to  conjecture  that  this 
record  testifies  to  a  revolt  of  the  Assyrian  party 
against  the  pro-Babylonian  tendencies  of  the  king 
(sect.  238),  and  that  Ashurbanipal  represented  this 
party  and  succeeded  in  carrying  his  point  (so  KAT^, 
91  f.),  whereby  he  secured  the  Assyrian  throne  and 
the  primacy  in  the  empire.  But  this  is  only  conjec- 
ture, against  which  much  might  be  urged.  It  is  suf- 
ficient to  observe  that  Esarhaddon,  before  his  death, 
himself  determined  upon  this  method  of  administering 
the  empire,  either  to  avoid  a  war  of  succession,  or 
to  secure  the  future  establishment  of  that  form  of 
government  which  to  him  appeared  likely  to  be  the 
wisest  and  the  most  successful  for  the  state. 

245.  The  verdict  upon  Esarhaddon  has  been  as 
uniformly  favorable  as  that  upon  his  father  has  been 
condemnatory.    He  is  characterized  by  a  "  reasonable 


ESTIMATE   OF  ESARHADDON  299 

and  conciliatory  disposition,"  a  "  largeness  of  aim 
peculiarly  his  own ;  "  he  was  "  a  wise  and  strenuous 
king  who  left  his  vast  domains  with  a  fairer  show  of 
prosperity  and  safety  than  the  Assyrian  realm  had 
ever  presented  at  the  demise  of  any  of  his  predeces- 
sors." He  "  is  the  noblest  and  most  sympathetic 
figure  among  the  Assyrian  kings."  These  are  high 
commendations  of  both  the  personal  and  public  worth 
of  the  king.  The  facts,  however,  require  a  more 
balanced  judgment.  The  king's  action  regarding 
Sidon  was  peculiarly  cruel.  Not  only  was  the  city  de- 
stroyed, and  its  king  beheaded,  but,  as  the  royal 
record  declares,  on  the  triumphal  march  into  Nineveh, 
the  heads  of  the  monarchs  slaughtered  in  that  cam- 
paign were  hung  upon  the  necks  of  their  great  men. 
The  restoration  of  captured  gods  and  the  establish- 
ment of  submissive  kings  upon  their  thrones  must  be 
regarded  as  political  rather  than  personal  acts,  a  part 
of  the  policy  followed  in  other  periods  of  Assyrian 
history.  The  king's  generalship,  personal  courage, 
and  force  are  all  that  any  king  before  him  exhibited, 
and  his  success  was  brilliant.  Yet  he,  too,  suffered 
military  disasters  as  in  Egypt  and  on  the  northern 
frontier.  In  the  latter  region,  moreover,  his  energy 
was  exhibited  rather  in  beating  off  his  enemies  than 
in  aggressive  warfare.  A  Tiglathpileser,  it  may  be 
said,  would  have  followed  up  and  broken  the  power 
of  his  assailants.  In  Esarhaddon,  also,  appears  more 
distinctly  than  before  something  of  that  orientalism 
in  manners  and  taste  which  is  accustomed  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  eastern  monarchs.  He  is  the  first  of  the 
Sargonids  to  boast  of  his  lineage  and  to  trace  it  back 
to  a  fabulous  royal  ancestry.     Kings  from  all  parts 


300  ASSYRIA 

of  his  realm  throng  his  court  and  are  summoned 
regularly  to  do  him  homage  at  Jiis  capital.  As  cap- 
tives, they  are  represented  as  in  his  stele  of  Samal,  as 
beasts  crouching  at  his  feet,  with  rings  in  their  lips. 
His  religiosity,  amounting  almost  to  dependence  upon 
the  priesthood  and  their  oracles,  is  another  marked  and 
not  altogether  favorable  ti'ait  of  character.  It  is  not 
a  mere  chance  that  the  largest  number  of  oracle  texts 
of  the  temples  of  Ishtar  and  Shamash  come  from  his 
reign  and  relate  to  his  affairs.  "  A  pious  man  and  a 
friend  of  priests  from  the  beginning  "  is  Tide's  esti- 
mate of  him  from  this  point  of  view,  and  it  is  illus- 
trated yet  more  completely  by  his  temple-building 
and  his  restoration  of  the  city  of  Babylon.  But  piety 
in  Assyria  was  not  far  removed  from  superstition,  and 
the  facts  suggest  that  this  was  not  absent  from  the 
king's  disposition. 

246.  As  a  statesman,  Esarhaddon  in  many  respects 
shows  himself  a  worthy  follower  of  his  predecessors. 
The  provincial  system  and  the  policy  of  deportation 
are  employed  by  him  in  the  reorganization  of  Sidon 
and  the  province  of  Samaria  (Ezra  iv.  2).  His  re- 
lations with  vassal  kings,  indeed,  are  perhaps  more 
uniformly  successful  than  was  the  case  with  former 
rulers,  and  in  the  Kaldean  and  Arabian  states,  where 
he  combines  various  districts  under  native  rulers,  he 
reveals  distinct  and  admirable  diplomacy.  His  larger 
foreign  policy  was,  however,  in  every  case  inade- 
quate, if  not  disastrous.  In  the  north  he  stood  on 
the  defensive ;  but  under  such  conditions  mere  defence 
was  worse  than  useless.  His  conquest  of  Egypt  was 
brilliant,  yet  in  the  end  it  weakened  more  than  it 
strengthened  the  empire.     Our  larger  knowledge  of 


THE  FATAL  BLUNDER  301 

his  organization  of  Egypt  makes  it  clear  that  he  in- 
tended to  incorporate  it  into  the  state  by  setting  up 
an  administrative  system,  in  part  directly,  in  part 
indirectly,  related  to  the  central  government.  The 
system  failed  completely,  and  the  drain  on  the  im- 
perial resources  was  severe. 

247.  His  internal  policy  is  revealed  in  his  splendid 
building  operations  that  culminated  in  the  new  Baby- 
lon. In  this  direction  no  king  had  approached  the 
lavish  outlay  of  treasure  which  these  enterprises  must 
have  required.  That  this  treasure  was  available  was 
due  to  the  resources  laid  up  by  Sennacherib  in  his  years 
of  peace,  and  it  is  a  question  whether  their  dissipation 
in  such  operations  was  wise.  No  doubt  can  rest  upon 
the  political  inexpediency  of  the  rebuilding  of  Baby- 
lon. It  revived  at  once  the  Kaldean  and  Elamite 
problems,  as  well  as  the  most  perplexing  problem  of 
all,  that  of  Babylon  itself.  It  led  directly  to  that  act 
which  even  the  most  ardent  admirers  of  Esarhaddon 
concede  to  have  been  "  an  act  of  folly  "  and  "  a  co- 
lossal failure,"  —  the  division  of  the  empire  between 
two  rulers,  the  king  of  Assyria  and  the  king  of  Baby- 
lon. Sennacherib  may  have  been  violent,  ruthless, 
and  short-sighted.  He  was  not  so  witless  as  his  son, 
who,  while  he  added  Egypt  to  the  empire,  gave  the 
state,  by  his  deliberately  adopted  policy  of  decentra- 
lization, a  start  upon  the  downward  road  at  the  end 
of  which  lay  sudden  and  complete  destruction. 


TfiE  LAST  DAYS  OF  SPLENDOR 
ASHURBANIPAL.    668-626  B.  C. 

248.  Upon  the  death  of  Esarhaddon  the  arrange- 
ments made  by  him  for  the  succession  were  smoothly 
and  promptly  carried  out;  the  empire  passed  to 
Ashurbanipal,  while  his  brother  Shamash-shumukin 
became  king  in  Babylon.  The  queen  mother,  Naqia, 
who  had  already  acted  as  regent  in  the  absence  of 
her  son,  issued  a  proclamation  calling  for  obedi- 
ence to  these,  the  legally  constituted  rulers.  For 
Shamashshumukin,  however,  a  further  ceremonial 
was  requisite.  He  must,  according  to  precedent, 
"  take  the  hands  of  Bel  "  in  the  city  of  Babylon. 
But  the  images  of  the  gods  of  Babylon,  removed 
to  Assur  at  the  time  of  the  destruction  of  Babylon, 
had  never  been  returned  to  the  reconstructed  capi- 
tal. At  the  command  of  the  sun-god,  Ashurbanipal 
ordered  their  return  to  their  temples,  and  with 
stately  ceremonial  the  coronation  of  the  new  king 
of  Babylon  proceeded  in  the  ancient  fashion  inter- 
mitted for  more  than  half  a  century.  All  seemed 
to  promise  well  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
state.  The  brothers  were  well  disposed  toward 
each  other,  and  proceeded  to  the  tasks  which  lay 
before  them,  the  king  of  Babylon  to  continue  the 
rebuilding   of   his  city  and  to  revive   its   industrial 


^EW  EGYPTIAN  CAMPAIGNS  30B 

activities,  the  Assyrian  ruler   to   guard  and  extend 
the  boundaries  of  the  empire. 

249.  The  affairs  of  Egypt  were  the  first  to  require 
the  attention  of  Ashurbanipal.  Esarhaddon's  death, 
while  on  the  march  to  Egypt  to  drive  back  a  new 
invasion  of  Taharqa,  apparently  had  not  caused 
a  more  than  temporary  delay  of  the  expedition.  The 
presence  of  an  army  in  the  western  provinces,  indeed, 
at  the  time  of  a  change  of  rulers  in  Assyria  was 
desirable  for  holding  disaffected  peoples  to  their 
allegiance.  The  general  of  the  forces  seems  to  have 
improved  the  moment  to  obtain  renewal  of  homage 
and  gifts,  as  well  as  a  substantial  contingent  of 
troops,  from  the  twenty-two  vassal  kings  of  the 
states  already  mentioned  by  Esarhaddon  as  sub- 
ject to  him  (sect.  241).  The  only  new  royal 
names  in  the  list  of  Ashurbanipal  are  lakinlu  of 
Arvad  and  Amminadbi  of  Ammon.  Manasseh  king 
of  Judah  again  appears  there,  as  also  Baal  of  Tyre, 
who  had  evidently  submitted  so  far  as  nominally 
to  recognize  Assyrian  supremacy.  The  Ethiopian 
king  was  ali-eady  in  Memphis,  and  his  troops  met 
the  Assyrians  somewhere  between  that  city  and  the 
border.  The  battle  went  against  Taharqa,  who 
retired  to  the  vicinity  of  Thebes.  Whether  the 
Assyrians  pursued  him  thither,  as  one  of  the  several 
somewhat  contradictory  inscriptions  states,  is  doubt- 
ful. With  good  reason  it  has  been  held  that  the 
Assyrians  were  content  to  renew  their  sway  over 
lower  Egypt  only,  restoring  the  vassal  princes  to 
their  cities  under  oath  of  fidelity  to  Assyria,  and 
did  not  attempt  to  advance  farther  up  the  river. 
In  the  years  that  followed  stirring  events  occurred. 


804  ASSYRIA 

The  princes,  led  by  Necho,  Sharruludari,  and  Paqruru, 
were  discovered  to  be  intriguing  with  Taharqa ;  their 
cities  were  severely  punished,  and  the  two  chief  cul- 
prits sent  to  Nineveh  for  punishment.  Ashurbanipal 
determined  to  try  a  new  policy  similar  to  that  employed 
for  Babylon;  he  pardoned  Necho  and  returned  him 
as  a  kind  of  vassal  ruler  of  Assyrian  Egypt,  sus- 
tained by  Assyrian  troops.  The  plan  worked  well. 
Taharqa  was  quiet  till  his  death  (666  b.  c),  and  his 
successor,  Tanutamon  (Assyr.,  Tandamani),  made  no 
move  for  at  least  three  years.  Then  he,  in  conse- 
quence of  divine  monitions,  and  also  invited,  no 
doubt,  by  the  petty  princes  who  were  jealous  of 
Necho,  marched  northward.  Necho  and  his  Assyr- 
ians fought  bravely,  but  were  too  few  to  make 
a  successful  resistance.  Necho  was  slain,  and  Pisa- 
milku  (Psamtik),  his  son,  with  his  troops,  was  driven 
out.  In  661  B.  c.  —  the  date  is  attested  astrono- 
mically—  Ashurbanipal  sent  an  army  against  the 
Ethiopian  invader,  to  which  the  latter  made  but 
feeble  opposition,  retiring  at  last  into  Ethiopia,  never 
again  to  return  to  Egypt.  The  Assyrian  army  now 
for  the  first  time  captured  Thebes  and  carried  away 
abundant  spoil,  returning  "  with  full  hands  "  to  Nine- 
veh. The  administration  of  Egypt  under  Assyrian 
supremacy  continued  as  before.  People  from  Kirbit 
in  Elam  were  deported  thither,  after  Ashurbanipal's 
conquest  of  that  rebellious  district.  Pisamilku  occu- 
pied the  position  held  by  his  father,  Necho,  sustained, 
as  he  had  been,  by  Assyrian  troops. 

250.  During  these  years,  or  at  the  close  of  this 
second  campaign  of  661  b.  c,  the  affairs  of  the  west 
were  placed  in  order.     Baal  of  Tyre,  whose  allegiance 


to  Assyria  varied  according  to  Assyrian  success  in 
Egypt,  had  finally  roused  Ashurbanipal's  wrath,  and 
was  shut  up  in  his  island-city  so  strictly  that  famine 
forced  him  to  make  terms.  He  sent  his  son,  as  a 
hostage,  and  his  own  daughter  with  the  daughters  of 
his  brother  for  the  king's  harem,  with  rich  gifts.  The 
women  and  the  gifts  Ashurbanipal  graciously  accepted, 
but  returned  the  son  to  his  father.  lakinlu  of  Arvad, 
who  had  shown  himself  only  nominally  submissive 
hitherto,  now,  likewise,  sent  his  daughter  to  the  king, 
as  did  also  Mukallu  of  Tabal  and  Sandasarme,  a  prince 
of  Cilicia.  Some  special  reason  induced  the  Assyrian 
king  to  remove  the  king  of  Arvad  and  place  his  son 
Azibaal  upon  the  throne.  Tribute  was  laid  upon  all 
these  states.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  difficulties 
which  these  northwestern  communities  were  having 
with  the  Kimmerians  induced  their  kings  to  seek 
Assyria's  aid  in  opposing  these  new  enemies.  This 
is  the  reason  assigned  by  Ashurbanipal  for  the  appeal 
of  king  Gyges  of  Lydia,  for  Assyrian  help.  This 
ruler,  under  whom  the  Lydian  state  comes  forth  into 
the  world's  history,  was  establishing  and  extending 
his  power  chiefly  through  the  employment  of  mercenary 
soldiers  from  Caria.  The  Kimmerians  assailing  him 
in  fresh  swarms,  he  was  led,  by  the  revival  of  As- 
syrian influence  in  Tabal  and  Cilicia,  to  send  ambassa- 
dors to  Ashurbanipal.  Before,  however,  any  aid  was 
rendered,  it  appears  that  the  Kimmerian  crisis  had 
passed  away,  and  Gyges  had  no  intention  of  paying 
tribute  to  the  far-off  monarch  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tigris.  The  latter,  however,  did  not  hesitate  in  his 
inscriptions  to  make  the  most  of  the  appeal.  The 
affair  is  notable,  chiefly  as  showing  how  the  world  of 

20 


306  ASSYRIA 

international  politics  was  widening  toward  the  west, 
and  new  factors  were  entering  to  make  more  complex 
the  political  relations  of  the  times. 

251.  The  friendly  relations  with  Elam  which 
characterized  the  later  j^ears  of  Esarhaddon  (sect.  239) 
gave  place,  soon  after  his  death,  to  a  renewal  of 
hostilities.  By  665  B.  c.  Urtaki  of  Elam,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Kaldean  and  Aramean  tribes,  raided 
northern  Babylonia  and  besieged  Babylon.  Ashur- 
banipal  was  satisfied  to  drive  the  invaders  back  into 
their  own  land,  where  in  a  short  time  Urtaki  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother  Te-umman,  who  attempted  to 
kill  off  all  members  of  the  royal  house.  Sixty  of 
them  succeeded  in  escaping  to  Assyria.  Teumman 
demanded  that  they  be  given  up  to  him.  Ashur- 
banipal's  refusal  led  to  another  Elamite  invasion  which 
was  checked  by  the  advance  of  an  Assyrian  army  to 
Dur  Ilu  and  thence  toward  Susa,  the  Elamite  capital. 
The  decisive  battle  was  fought  at  Tulliz  on  the  Ula 
River  before  Susa,  and  resulted  in  an  overwhelming 
defeat  for  Elam.  The  king  and  his  son  were  killed ; 
the  army  cut  to  pieces.  The  event  marked,  according 
to  Billerbeck  (Susa,  p.  105),  the  end  of  the  old  king- 
dom of  Susa.  The  Assyrians  made  Khumbanigash, 
son  of  Urtaki,  king  of  Elam ;  his  son,  Tammaritu, 
became  prince  of  Khidal,  one  of  the  royal  fiefs. 
The  division  of  power  was  evidently  made  with  the 
purpose  Qf  intensifying  the  dynastic  conflicts  in  the 
kingdom,  which  hitherto  had  contributed  more  to 
the  overthrow  of  the  Elamite  power  than  had  the 
defeats  of  its  armies.  The  punishment  of  the  Gambu- 
lians,  the  Aramean  tribe  whose  secession  from  Assyria 
had   played   so  large  a  part   in  inducing   hostilities, 


THE   SITUATION  IN  BABYLONIA  807 

formed  another  and  concluding  stage  of  the  war. 
Their  chiefs  were  captured  and  suffered  shameful 
deaths  in  Assyria  (about  660  b.  c). 

252.  For  some  years  affairs  in  Babylonia  and  Elam 
remained  on  a  peaceful  footing.  The  latter  country 
had  been  too  frightfully  devastated  and  left  too 
thoroughly  in  confusion  to  permit  hostile  movements 
there.  In  Babylonia,  too,  Shamashshumukin  had 
ruled  in  harmony  with  his  brother,  content  to  admin- 
ister the  affairs  of  his  city,  to  direct  the  religious 
ceremonial,  and  to  enjoy  the  prerogatives  which  were 
the  prized  possession  of  the  king  of  that  wealthy 
capital  and  the  holy  seat  of  the  great  gods.  In  the 
very  nature  of  the  situation,  however,  contradictions 
existed  which  were  bound  to  produce  trouble.  Baby- 
lon's claims  to  supremacy  were  secular  as  well  as  reli- 
gious, and  her  nobles  never  relinquished  their  rights  to 
supremacy  over  the  world  of  nations  as  well  as  over 
the  world  of  the  gods.  Their  king,  too,  was  an 
Assyrian,  with  the  ambitions  of  a  warrior  and  a  states- 
man as  well  as  the  aspirations  of  a  priest.  Yet,  in  the 
veiy  nature  of  things,  Ashurbanipal  was  lord  of  the 
empire  and  the  army,  the  protector  of  the  peace,  and 
conqueror  of  the  enemies  of  the  state,  the  defender  of 
Babylon  from  assailants,  its  head  in  the  political 
sphere.  A  clash  was  therefore  inevitable,  and  it 
speaks  well  for  the  brotherly  confidence  of  both 
rulers  that  for  fifteen  years  they  worked  together 
peacefully.  Nor  is  it  possible  to  indicate  any  special 
reasons  which  brought  on  the  conflict  that  in  its  vari- 
ous ramifications  shook  the  state  to  its  foundations. 
The  ambition  of  the  younger  brother  was  doubtless 
intensified  by  the  intrigues  of  his  priestly  advisers,  and 


308  ASSYRIA 

his  pride  wounded  by  the  achievements  of  Ashurbani- 
pal  and  the  glorification  of  them.  It  appears,  also,  that 
an  economic  crisis,  caused  by  a  series  of  bad  harvests, 
was  imminent  in  Babylonia  about  this  time,  which  may 
have  brought  things  to  a  head.  Shamashshumukin 
determined  to  declare  his  independence.  The  course 
of  events  shows  how  carefully  he  laid  his  plans  and 
how  wide  a  sweep  was  taken  by  his  ambitious  design, 
which  in  its  fulness  comprehended  nothing  less  than 
the  substitution  of  Babylon  for  Assyria  as  ruler  of  the 
world.  Two  main  lines  of  activity  were  followed: 
(1)  agents  were  employed  to  foment  rebellion  in  the 
vassal  states ;  (2)  the  treasures  of  the  temples  were 
freely  used  to  engage  the  help  of  the  peoples  about 
Babylon  in  driving  the  Assyrians  from  Babylonia,  and 
to  raise  an  army  of  mercenaries  to  defend  and  main- 
tain the  new  centre  of  the  empire.  How  far  these 
emissaries  succeeded  in  the  former  work  is  not  certain, 
but  Ashurbanipal  found  traces  of  their  activity  in  the 
provinces  of  southern  Babylonia,  along  the  eastern 
mountains,  in  Syria,  and  Palestine  and  in  western 
Arabia,  while  Egypt  and  far-off  Lydia  are  supposed 
to  have  been  tampered  with  by  them.  Northern 
Babylonia  was  already  secure  for  Shamashshumukin, 
and  his  gold  had  found  acceptance  in  Elam,  Arabia, 
and  among  Kaldean  and  Aramean  tribes.  Even  some 
Assyrian  officers  and  garrisons  had  been  corrupted. 

253.  The  conspiracy  was  well  advanced  before  any 
knowledge  of  it  came  to  the  surface.  The  prefect  of 
Ur,  who  had  been  approached  in  the  interests  of  the 
plot,  sent  word  to  his  superior  officer,  the  prefect  of 
Uruk,  that  Shamashshumukin's  envoj^s  were  abroad 
in  that  city.      The   news  was  immediately  sent   to 


REBELLION  OF  SHAJ^U.SHSHUMUKIN  309 

Ashurbanipal,  who  seems  to  have  been  taken  utterly 
by  surprise.  If  he  had  had  suspicions,  they  had  been 
allayed  by  a  recent  embassy  of  noble  Babylonians  who 
had  brought  to  him  renewed  assurances  of  loyalty  on 
the  part  of  his  brother.  His  feelings  are  expressed 
in  the  following  words  of  his  inscription : 

At  that  time  Shamashsliuinukiu,  the  faithless  brother, 
to  whom  I  had  done  good,  and  whom  I  had  established 
as  king  of  Babylon,  and  for  whom  I  had  made  every  pos- 
sible kind  of  royal  decoration,  and  had  given  him,  and  had 
gathered  together  soldiers,  horses,  and  chariots,  and  had 
intrusted  them  to  him,  and  had  given  him  cities,  fields, 
and  woods,  and  the  men  dwelling  in  them,  even  more 
than  my  father  had  commanded  —  even  he  forgot  that 
favor  I  had  shown  him,  and  he  planned  evil.  Outwardly 
with  his  lips  he  spoke  friendly  things,  while  inwardly  his 
heart  plotted  murder  (Rm  Cyl.,  III.  70-81 ;  ABL,  p.  107). 

254.  Shamashshumukin  now  threw  off  the  mask 
and  launched  the  rebellion  (652  B.  c).  He  closed  the 
gates  of  his  fortresses  and  cut  off  the  sacrifices- offered 
on  his  brother's  behalf  before  the  Babylonian  gods. 
The  various  kings  and  peoples  were  either  summoned 
to  his  aid,  or  invited  to  throw  off  the  Assyrian  yoke. 
The  southern  Babylonians  responded  by  besieging  and 
overcoming  Ur  and  Uruk.  The  king  of  Elam  entered 
Babylonia  with  an  army.  Ashurbanipal,  though  taken 
unawares,  was  not  disconcerted.  Obtaining  a  favor- 
able oracle  from  the  moon-god,  he  mustered  his  troops 
and  sent  them  against  the  rebels.  Meanwhile  his 
partisans  in  Elam  also  set  to  work.  Suspicion 
and  intrigue,  however,  brought  to  naught  all  assist- 
ance expected  by  the  Babylonians  from  that  quarter. 


310  ASSYRIA 

Khuinbanigash  lost  his  throne  to  Tammaritu,  and  he, 
in  turn,  to  Indabigash,  who  withdrew  his  forces  from 
Babylonia  (about  650  B.C.).  Meanwhile  Ashurbani- 
pal's  army  had  shut  up  the  rebels  in  the  great  cities, 
Sippar,  Kutha,  and  Babylon,  and  cleared  the  south  of 
invaders,  driving  the  Kaldeans  under  their  leader, 
Nabu-bel-shume,  a  grandson  of  Mardukbaliddin,  back 
into  Elam.  The  three  sieges  lasted  a  year  or  more, 
and  the  cities  yielded  only  when  famine  and  pestilence 
had  done  their  work.  The  despairing  king  killed 
himself,  apparently  by  setting  fire  to  his  palace  and 
throwing  himself  into  the  flames.  With  his  death  the 
struggle  was  over  (648  B.  c).  Wholesale  vengeance 
was  taken  upon  all  who  were  implicated  in  the  plot ; 
the  streets  of  the  cities  ran  with  blood.  Ashur- 
banipal  had  conquered,  but  the  problem  of  Babylon 
remained.  He  reorganized  the  government,  and  him- 
self ''  took  the  hands  of  Bel,"  becoming  king  of  Baby- 
lon under  the  name  of  Kandalanu  (647  B.  c). 

255.  It  remained  to  punish  the  associates  of  Sham- 
ashshumukin  in  the  great  conspiracy.  Elam  was  the 
first  to  suffer.  Ashurbanipal  demanded  of  Indabigash 
the  surrender  of  the  Kaldean,  Nabu-bel-shume,  who 
had  not  only  violated  his  oath,  but  had  captured  and 
cari'ied  away  Assyrian  soldiers.  On  the  refusal  of  the 
Elamite,  an  Assyrian  army  entered  Elam.  Indabigash 
fell  a  victim  to  a  palace  conspiracy,  and  was  succeeded 
by  Khummakhaldash  III.,  who  retired  before  the 
Assyrians.  They  set  up  in  his  place  Tammaritu  (sect. 
251),  who  had  escaped  and  made  his  peace  with 
Assyria.  He,  too,  soon  proved  false  to  his  patron  and 
plotted  to  destroy  all  Assyrian  garrisons  in  Elam. 
The  plot  was  discovered  and  the  king  thrown  into 


OVERTHROW  OF  ELAM  311 

prison.  Khummakhaldash  III.  remained,  and  met  the 
advance  of  the  enraged  Assyrians  in  their  next  cam- 
paign. They  would  not  be  restrained,  but  drove  the 
Elamites  back  on  all  sides,  devastated  the  land  and 
encompassed  Susa,  which  was  finally  taken  and  plun- 
dered (about  645  b.  c).  The  royal  narrative  dwells 
with  flowing  detail  upon  the  destruction  wrought 
upon  palaces  and  temples,  the  indignities  inflicted 
upon  royal  tombs  and  images  of  the  gods,  and  the 
rescue  and  return  to  its  shrine  of  the  famous  statue 
of  Nana  of  Uruk,  carried  away  by  the  Elamites  six- 
teen hundred  and  thirty-five  years  before  (sect.  63). 
Again  Ashurbanipal  demanded  the  surrender  of  the 
Kaldean  fugitive,  but  the  latter  saved  the  wretched 
Elamite  king  the  shame  of  yielding  him  up  by  falling 
upon  the  sword  of  his  shield-bearer.  Khummakhal- 
dash himself,  together  with  another  claimant  to  the 
Elamite  throne,  Pa'e,  finally  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Assyrians.  Elam  was  thus  at  last  subdued  under  the 
Assyrian  yoke,  and  disappeared  from  the  scene  (about 
640  B.  c). 

256.  The  Arabians,  also,  felt  the  weight  of  Assyrian 
displeasure.  Yailu,  king  of  Aribi,  who  had  been 
placed  upon  his  throne  by  Esarhaddon  (sect.  242), 
had  been  persuaded  to  throw  off  allegiance  to  Assyria. 
He  sent  a  detachment  to  the  aid  of  Shamashshum- 
ukin,  and  also  began  to  make  raids  into  the  Syrian 
and  Palestinian  provinces.  The  Assjaian  troops  suc- 
ceeded in  holding  him  back  and  finally  in  defeating 
him  so  completely  that  he  fled  from  his  kingdom  and, 
finding  no  refuge,  was  compelled  to  surrender.  His 
throne  went  to  Uaite,  who,  in  his  turn,  made  common 
gau^e  with  the  enemies  of  Assyria,  uniting  with  thq 


312  ASSYRIA 

Kedarenes  and  the  Nabateans,  Bedouin  tribes  to  the 
south  and  southeast  of  Palestine,  in  withholding  trib- 
ute and  harassing  the  borders  of  the  western  states. 
Ashurbanipal  sent  an  expedition  from  Nineveh, 
straight  across  the  desert,  to  take  the  Arabians  in  the 
rear.  After  many  hardships  by  the  way,  defeating 
and  scattering  the  tribes,  it  reached  Damascus  with 
much  spoil.  Then  the  army  marched  southward, 
clearing  the  border  of  the  Bedouin  and  moving  out 
into  the  desert  to  the  oases  of  the  Kedarenes  and 
Nabateans.  The  chiefs  were  killed  or  captured,  camels 
and  other  spoil  were  gathered  in  such  numbers  that 
the  market  in  Nineveh  was  glutted,  camels  bring- 
ing at  auction  "  from  a  half-shekel  to  a  shekel  of 
silver  apiece  (?)."  In  connection  with  this  campaign 
the  Phoenician  cities  of  Ushu  (Tyre  on  the  mainland) 
and  Akko  (Acre)  were  punished  for  rebellion.  It  is 
strange  that  other  states  of  Palestine  had  not  yielded 
to  the  solicitations  of  the  king  of  Babylon.  The 
Second  Book  of  Chronicles  (xxxiii.  11),  indeed, 
tells  how  Manasseh,  king  of  Judah,  was  taken  by  the 
captains  of  the  host  of  the  king  of  Assyria  and  carried 
in  chains  to  Babylon.  Does  a  reminiscence  of  punish- 
ment for  rebellion  along  with  Shamashshumukin 
linger  here?  Possibly,  though  neither  the  Books 
of  Kings  nor  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  refer  to  it. 
Not  improbably  the  excess  of  zeal  on  the  part  of  the 
rebellious  Arabians,  which  led  them  to  attack  the 
frontiers  of  these  Palestinian  states,  soon  discouraged 
any  inclination  in  these  communities  to  rise  against 
Assyria,  whose  armies  protected  them  against  just 
such  fierce  raids  from  their  desert  neighbors.  Those 
who  had  withheld  tribute  must  have  soon  made  their 


AFFAIRS  IN  THE  NORTH  313 

peace,  among  them,  it  may  be,  Manasseh  of  Judah. 
It  was  precisely  the  coast  cities,  because  they  were  in 
no  danger  from  the  Arabs,  that  persisted  in  the  rebel- 
liousness for  which  they  now  suffered. 

257.  The  policy  of  his  predecessors  made  the  diffi- 
culties of  Ashurbanipal,  upon  his  northern  bor- 
ders, of  comparatively  slight  moment.  That  policy 
which  was  followed  and  developed  by  him,  consisted 
essentially  in  arraying  the  northern  tribes  against 
one  another,  and  in  avoiding,  where  possible,  direct 
hostilities  with  them.  Thus,  friendly  relations  were 
cultivated  with  the  kings  of  Urartu,  Ursa  (Rusa)  III. 
and  Sarduris  IV.,  whose  deputations  to  the  Assyrian 
court  were  cordially  received.  The  Mannai,  however, 
continued  aggressively  hostile,  and  their  king, 
Akhsheri,  valiantly  resisted  an  expedition  sent 
against  him.  When  he  had  been  defeated  he  fled ; 
a  rising  of  his  people  against  him  followed  in  which 
he  was  slain ;  his  son,  Ualli,  was  placed  by  Ashur- 
banipal upon  the  throne  as  a  vassal  king.  Other 
chieftains  of  the  Medes  and  Sakhi,  and  Andaria,  a 
rebellious  prince  of  the  Lubdi,  w^ere  likewise  sub- 
dued. In  the  far  northwest  Gyges  of  Lydia  (sect,  i 
250)  had  fallen  before  a  renewed  attack  of  the  Kim- 
merians  under  Tugdammi,  a  fate  in  which  Ashur- 
banipal saw  the  reward  of  defection  from  Assyria. 
His  son,  Ardys,  renewed  the  request  for  Assyrian 
aid,  and  the  forces  of  Tugdammi  were  met  by  the 
Assyrians  in  Cilicia,  and  beaten  back  with  the  loss 
of  their  king  (about  645  B.  c).  Thus,  all  along  these 
mountain  barriers,  Ashurbanipal  might  boast  that  he 
had  maintained  the  integrity  and  the  glory  of  the 
Assvrian  empire.    He  was  not  aware  what  momentous 


314  ASSYRIA 

changes  were  in  progress  behind  these  distant 
mountains,  what  states  were  rounding  into  form,  what 
new  masses  of  migratory  peoples  were  gathering  to 
hurl  themselves  upon  the  plains  and  shatter  the  huge 
fabric  of  the  Ass3rrian  state. 

258.  By  the  year  640  B.  c.  the  campaigns  of 
Ashurbanipal  were  over.  The  empire  was  at  peace. 
Its  fame  and  splendor  had  never  seemed  so  great, 
nor,  in  reality,  had  they  ever  been  so  impressive. 
The  king,  like  his  predecessors,  sought  the  welfare 
of  his  country,  and  thus  bears  witness  to  its  pros- 
perity under  his  rule : 

From  the  time  that  Ashur,  Sin,  Shamash,  Adad, 
Bel,  Nabu,  Ishtar  of  Nineveh,  Queen  of  Kidmuri,  Ishtar 
of  Arbela,  Ninib,  Nergal,  and  Nusku  graciously  estab- 
lished me  upon  the  throne  of  my  father,  Adad  has 
let  loose  his  showers,  and  Ea  has  opened  up  his  springs ; 
the  grain  has  grown  to  a  height  of  five  yards,  the  ears 
have  been  five-sixths  of  a  yard  long,  the  produce  of  the 
land  —  the  increase  of  Nisaba  —  has  been  abundant,  the 
land  has  constantly  yielded  heavily,  the  fruit  trees  have 
borne  fruit  richly,  and  the  cattle  have  done  well  in 
bearing.  During  my  reign  plenty  abounded  ;  during  my 
years  abundance  prevailed  (Rassam  Cyl.  I.  42  ff.). 

259.  Ashurbanipal,  too,  was  a  builder.  Temples  in 
Nineveh,  Arbela,  and  Tarbish,  in  Babylon,  Borsippa, 
Sippar,  Nippur,  and  Uruk  were  embellished  or  rebuilt 
by  him.  Nineveh  owed  almost  as  much  to  him  as  to 
his  grandfather  Sennacherib.  He  repaired  and  en- 
larged its  defences,  and  reared  on  the  northern  part  of 
the  terrace,  upon  the  site  of  the  harem  built  by  Sen- 
nacherib, a  palace  of  remarkable  beauty.      In  form 


THE  ROYAL  LIBRARY  315 

this  palace  did  not  differ  from  other  similar  structures, 
but  it  was  adorned  with  an  extraordinary  variety  and 
richness  of  ornamentation,  and  with  sculptures  sur- 
passing the  achievements  of  all  previous  artists. 
Sennacherib  had  led  the  way,  but  the  sculptors  of 
Ashurbanipal  improved  upon  the  art  of  the  former 
day  in  the  elaboration  of  the  scenes  depicted,  the 
delicacy  and  refinement  of  details,  and  the  freedom 
and  vigor  of  the  treatment.  For  some  of  these  ex- 
cellences, particularly  the  breadth  and  fulness  of  the 
battle  scenes,  it  has  been  said  that  the  new  knowledge 
gained  of  Egyptian  mural  art  was  responsible.  But  in 
the  hunting  sculptures  and  the  representations  of 
animals,  the  Assyrian  artist  of  Ashurbanipal's  time 
has  attained  the  highest  range  of  original  and  effective 
delineation  that  is  offered  by  antiquity.  The  reliefs 
of  the  wounded  lioness,  of  the  two  demonic  creatures 
about  to  clinch,  and  of  a  dozen  other  figures  repre- 
sented in  the  hunting  scenes,  are  instinct  with  life 
and  power ;  they  belong  to  the  permanent  aesthetic 
treasures  of  mankind. 

260.  Within  the  palace  was,  also,  the  remarkable 
library  which  has  made  this  king's  name  famous 
among  modern  scholars.  Whether  it  was  founded 
upon  the  nucleus  of  the  royal  library  which  Sen- 
nacherib had  gathered  in  Nineveh,  or  was  an  original 
collection  of  Ashurbanipal,  is  uncertain,  but  in  size 
and  importance  it  surpasses  all  other  Assyrian 
collections  at  present  known.  Tens  of  thousands  of 
clay  tablets,  systematically  arranged  on  shelves  for 
easy  consultation,  contained,  besides  official  de- 
spatches and  other  archives,  the  choicest  religious, 
historical,  and  scientific  literature  of  the  Babylonio- 


316  ASSYRIA 

Assyrian  world.  Under  the  inspiration  of  the  king's 
literary  zeal,  scribes  copied  and  translated  the  ancient 
sacred  classics  of  primitive  Babylonia  for  this  library, 
so  that,  from  its  remains,  can  be  reconstructed,  not 
merely  the  details  of  the  government  and  administra- 
tion of  the  Assyria  of  his  time,  but  the  life  and 
thought  of  the  far  distant  Babylonian  world.  It  is  not 
surprising,  then,  that  the  inscriptions  of  this  king,  pro- 
duced in  such  an  atmosphere,  are  superior  to  all  others 
in  literary  character.  The  narratives  are  full  and 
free;  the  descriptions  graphic  and  spirited,  with  a 
sense  for  stylistic  excellence  which  reveals  a  well- 
trained  and  original  literary  quality  in  the  writers  of 
the  court.  The  impulse  had  been  felt  in  the  time 
of  Sennacherib  (sect.  231),  and  was  gained,  no  doubt, 
from  the  new  literary  reinforcements  which  Nineveh 
received  from  Babylon  at  the  time  of  the  destruction 
of  that  ancient  city.  After  two  generations  this 
school  of  writers  had  attained  the  high  excellence 
which  these  inscriptions  disclose. 

261.  It  is  evident  that  the  king  himself  was 
personally  interested  in  this  higher  side  of  the  life 
which  appears  in  the  art  and  literature  of  his  day. 
He  has  left  a  charming  picture  of  his  early  years, 
how,  in  the  harem,  which  he  afterwards  transformed 
into  a  splendid  palace,  he  "  acquired  the  wisdom  of 
Nabu,  learned  all  the  knowledge  of  writing  of  all  the 
scribes,  as  many  as  there  were,  and  learned  how  to 
shoot  with  the  bow,  to  ride  on  horses  and  in  chariots 
and  to  hold  the  reins  "  (R.  Cyl.  I.  31  ff. ;  ABL,p.  95)- 
The  latter  part  of  this  statement  reveals,  also,  his 
training  in  the  more  active  life  characteristic  of  the 
Assyrian    king.     The   truth   of    the   description    is 


ASHURBANIPAL'S  POLITICAL  POLICY  317 

vouched  for  by  the  many  representations  of  the 
king's  hunting  adventures,  the  pursuit  of  the  gazelle 
and  the  wild  boar,  the  slaying  of  wild  oxen  and  lions. 
His  was  no  effeminate  or  indolent  life.  This  union 
of  culture  and  manly  vigor  is  the  characteristic  of  a 
strong  personality. 

262.  As  an  imperial  administrator,  he  both  resem- 
bled and  differed  from  his  predecessors.  He  added 
nothing  to  the  methods  of  provincial  government, 
but  was  content  to  use  the  best  ideas  of  his  time. 
Deportation  was  employed  by  him  in  Egypt,  where 
peoples  from  Kirbit  in  Elam  were  settled,  and  in  Sa- 
maria, where,  on  the  testimony  of  Ezra  iv.  10,  he  (there 
called  Osnappar)  placed  inhabitants  of  Susa,  Baby- 
lonia, and  other  eastern  peoples,  with  the  resulting 
confusion  of  worships  referred  to  in  2  Kings  xvii. 
24-41.  His  father's  policy  of  uniting  various 
districts  under  one  vassal  king  (sect.  246)  was 
continued ;  the  most  striking  example  of  this  is  found 
in  his  dealing  with  Egypt.  His  armies  were  recruited, 
as  before,  from  subject  and  conquered  peoples.  In 
one  remarkable  respect,  indeed,  he  departed  from  past 
precedents.  His  armies  were,  rarely  if  ever,  led  by 
himself  in  person ;  his  generals  usually  carried  on 
the  campaigns.  This  has  been  thought  to  reflect 
upon  his  personal  courage  and  manliness.  Yet  it 
may  be  that  the  variety  of  demands  made  upon  the 
ruler  of  so  vast  an  empire  decided  him  in  favor 
of  this  reversal  of  immemorial  policy.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  in  his  case  the  change  proved  wise.  No 
whisper  of  rebellion  among  his  generals  has  been 
recorded.  His  armies,  directed  in  their  general 
activities  from  one  centre,   and  given  free  scope  in 


318  ASSYRIA 

the  matter  of  detail  in  the  field,  reflect  credit  upoii 
the  new  system  by  their  almost  uniformly  brilliant 
success.  His  predecessors  had  worn  themselves  out 
by  long  and  severe  campaigns,  which  only  iron  con- 
stitutions like  that  of  Ashurnagirpal  or  Shalmaneser 
II.  could  endure  for  many  years.  During  their  con- 
tinuance in  the  field,  moreover,  internal  administra- 
tion must  be  neglected.  Ashurbanipal  was  able  to 
hold  liis  throne  for  nearly  half  a  century ;  the  victoiies 
of  peace  which  he  won  in  the  fields  of  culture  and 
administration  rivalled,  if  they  did  not  sui'pass,  the 
achievement  of  his  armies. 

263.  Under  Ashurbanipal  the  tendencies  toward 
"orientalism"  which  appeared  in  his  father's  day 
reached  their  height.  The  splendor  of  his  court 
was  on  a  scale  quite  unequalled.  It  formed  the 
model  for  future  kings,  and  served  as  the  theme  for 
later  tradition.  Thus,  the  Greek  historians  have 
much  to  tell  of  the  famous  Sardanapalus,  the  vo- 
luptuary who  lived  in  the  harem  clad  in  woman's 
garb,  and  whose  end  came  in  the  flames  of  his  own 
gorgeous  palace.  While  Ashurbanipal  was  anything 
but  such  a  weakling,  he  loved  pomp  and  show,  the 
pleasures  of  the  court,  and  the  splendor  of  the  throne. 
If  the  daughters  of  kings  sent  to  his  harem  were, 
in  fact,  pledges  of  political  fidelity,  it  is  clear 
that  the  senders  knew  what  kind  of  pledges  were 
pleasing  to  his  royal  majesty.  A  famous  bas-relief 
represents  him  in  the  garden,  feasting  with  his  queen, 
while,  hanging  from  one  of  the  trees,  is  the  head 
of  the  conquered  Teumman  of  Elam.  In  an  ori- 
ental court  of  such  a  type,  pomp  and  cruelty  were 
not  far  separated.     It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that 


THE  KING'S  TRiUMPtt  319 

in  his  finely  wrought  sculptures  and  brilliantly 
written  inscriptions  are  depicted  scenes  of  hideous 
brutality.  Plunder,  torture,  anguish,  and  slaughter 
are  dwelt  upon  with  something  of  delight  by  the 
king,  who  sees  in  them  the  vengeance  of  the  gods 
upon  those  that  have  broken  their  faith.  The  very 
religiousness  of  the  royal  butcher  makes  the  shadows 
blacker.  No  Assyrian  king  was  ever  more  devoted 
to  the  gods  and  dependent  upon  them.  Among  all 
the  divine  beings,  his  chief  was  the  goddess  Ishtar, 
the  well-beloved  who  loved  him,  and  who  appeared  to 
him  in  dreams  and  spoke  oracles  of  comfort  and 
success.  As  her  love  was  the  more  glowing,  so  her 
hate  was  the  more  bitter  and  violent.  Captive  kings 
were  caged  like  dogs  and  exposed  "  at  the  entrance 
of  Temple  street"  in  Nineveh.  No  more  thrilling 
and  instructive  picture  of  the  union  of  religion  and 
personal  glorification  can  be  found  than  that  given  by 
the  king  in  the  supreme  moment  of  his  proud  reign 
when,  all  his  wars  victoriously  accomplished,  he  tor)k 
the  four  kings,  Tammaritu,  Pa'e,  Khummakhaldash, 
and  Uaite,  and  harnessed  them  to  his  chariot.  Then, 
to  use  his  own  words,  *'  they  drew  it  beneath  me  to  the 
gate  of  the  temple  "  of  Ishtar  of  Nineveh.  "  Because 
Ashur,  Sin,  Shamash,  Adad,  Bel,  Nabu,  Ishtar  of 
Nineveh,  Queen  of  Kidmuri,  Ishtar  of  Arbela,  Ninib, 
Nergal,  and  Nusku  had  subjected  to  my  yoke  those 
who  were  unsubmissive,  and  with  might  and  power 
had  placed  me  over  my  enemies,  I  threw  myself  upon 
my  face  and  exalted  their  deity,  and  praised  their 
power  in  the  midst  of  my  hosts  "  (R.  Cyl.  X.  31  ff.). 


IX 

THE  FALL  OF  ASSYRIA.    626-606  B.C. 

264.  About  the  year  640  b.  c.  all  records  of  the 
reign  of  Ashurbanipal  cease.  That  he  remained  on 
the  throne  for  yet  fourteen  years  is  evident  from  the 
Ptolemaic  canon,  which  gives  twenty-two  years  to 
the  reign  of  Kineladanos  (Kandalanu,  sect.  254) 
over  Babylon,  that  is,  648-626  b.  c.  This  silence 
is  properly  interpreted  as  due  in  part  to  the  tran- 
quillity of  these  years  and  in  part  to  the  storm  and 
stress  which  fell  upon  the  state  as  they  were  coming 
to  their  close.  While  the  victories  of  the  past  cen- 
tury had  placed  Assyria  at  the  height  of  its  glory  and 
had  extended  its  bounds  to  regions  hitherto  unsub- 
dued, these  achievements  and  acquisitions  proved,  in 
the  end,  to  weaken  its  power  and  gave  to  new  enemies 
the  vantage-points  for  its  ultimate  overthrow.  Egypt, 
the  scene  of  hard  fighting  and  splendid  conquest, 
was  already  practically  independent.  Psamtik,  its 
vassal  king,  had  taken  advantage  of  the  Elamite  and 
Babylonian  troubles  to  withhold  tribute,  and,  by  an 
alliance  with  Gyges  of  Lydia,  another  recreant,  had 
obtained  Carian  mercenaries  to  overthrow  his  Egyp- 
tian opponents  and  maintain  his  independence  against 
his  Assyrian  overlord.  He  is  the  founder  of  the 
twenty-sixth  dynasty.  Elsewhere,  also,  though  in  a 
different  fashion,  the  same  results  were  preparing. 


KEW  ENEMIES  321 

As  has  already  been  remarked,  the  incessant  assaults 
upon  the  Median  tribes  of  the  east  were  steadily 
moulding  them  into  a  unity  of  national  life,  which, 
once  reached,  could  not  be  restrained,  and  which,  in- 
spired equally  with  hatred  of  its  Assyrian  enemy  and 
the  sentiment  of  nationality,  under  proper  leader- 
ship was  to  prove  a  dangerous  antagonist.  The 
breaking  down  of  the  vigorous  nations  of  Urartu  on 
the  north  and  of  Elam  on  the  southeast  not  only  cost 
Assyria  heavily  in  men  and  treasure,  but  al^o  made 
it  easier  for  the  peoples  who  were  advancing  from  the 
north  and  east  to  grapple  freshly  and  hand  to  hand 
with  her  before  time  had  been  given  for  recuperation. 
Indeed,  these  conquered  territories  could  not  be  held 
by  the  Assyrians.  As  Egypt,  so  Elam,  once  devas- 
tated and  made  harmless,  was  practically  abandoned ; 
within  a  few  years  Persian  tribes  entered  and  took 
up  the  old  feud  with  Assyriiv  Thus,  instead  of 
peace  and  prosperity  within  the  broad  reaches  of  the 
immense  empire,  as  the  outcome  of  the  tremendous 
energy  of  the  century,  the  AssjTian  kings  found 
themselves  confronted  with  yet  more  serious  and 
threatening  difficulties,  and  at  a  moment  when  the 
state  was  least  able  to  grapple  with  them. 

265.  The  two  sons  of  Ashurbanipal  followed  him 
in  the  kingdom.  The  one,  by  name  Ashur-etil-ili, 
has  left  memorials  of  building  activity  at  Kalkhi, 
where  he  reconstructed  the  temple  of  Nabu  (sect. 
176).  The  remains  of  his  palace  bare  and  petty  in 
comparison  with  the  structures  of  his  predecessors, 
are  found  upon  the  same  terrace  and  speak  signifi- 
cantly of  his  limitations.  His  brother,  Sin-shar- 
ishkun,  succeeded,  and  has  the  unenviable  reputation 

21 


322  ASSYRIA 

of  being  the  last  i\ssyrian  king.  In  a  broken 
cylinder  inscription  he  speaks  in  the  swelling  lan- 
guage of  his  great  ancestors,  of  the  gifts  of  the 
gods  and  their  choice  of  him  as  the  ruler  of  the 
world.  It  is  only  an  empty  echo  of  the  past.  Before 
his  reign  was  over  (608-607  b.  c.)  Necho  II.  of 
Egypt,  son  of  Psamtik,  had  entered  Palestine  with 
an  army  and,  after  defeating  Josiah  of  Judah  at 
Megiddo  (?),  had  marched  into  Syria  and  occupied 
it  as  far  as  the  Euphrates,  while  Assyria,  already  in 
the  throes  of  death,  made  no  resistance.  But,  in  Baby- 
lonia, Sinsharishkun  had  shown  a  vigor  worthy  of 
better  days  in  the  attempt  to  maintain  his  supremacy. 
Business  documents  from  Babylonia,  one  from  Nippur 
dated  in  the  fourth  year  of  Ashuretilili,  and  another 
from  Uruk  of  the  seventh  year  of  his  successor,  indi- 
cate that  each  was  recognized  as  ruler  over  that 
region.  Their  authority  over  Babylon  itself  was 
hardly  more  than  nominal,  however,  for  already, 
probably  on  the  death  of  their  father  (626  B.  c),  ac- 
cording to  the  Ptolemaic  canon  a  certain  Nabu-pal- 
u^ur  had  become  king  of  that  city.  Another  tablet 
from  Nippur  is  dated  in  the  first  year  of  an  Assyrian 
king,  Sin-shum-lisir,  but  of  him  and  his  place  in  the 
history  of  this  troubled  age  nothing  is  known. 

266.  In  tracing  the  details  of  these  confused  years, 
the  student  is  dependent  on  three  sources  of  knowl- 
edge, all  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory.  There  is, 
first,  what  may  be  called  contemporary  testimony, 
limited  to  the  indefinite  utterances  of  the  Hebrew 
prophet,  Nahum,  and  to  statements  of  the  Babylonian 
king,  Nabuna'id,  who  lived  three  quarters  of  a  century 
later;   second,    the   Babylonian   tradition,    preserved 


THE  MEDO-PERSIAN  TRADITION  323 

ill  the  fragments  of  Berosus  found  in  other  ancient 
writers  (sect.  37);  third,  Herodotus  and  the  other 
Greek  historians  who  represent,  in  the  full  and  pic- 
turesque, often  fantastic,  details  of  their  narratives, 
the  Medo-Persian  tradition.  From  all  of  them  to- 
gether only  approximate  certainty  on  the  most  gen- 
eral features  can  be  reached,  and  the  opportunity 
for  conjectural  hypothesis  is  large. 

267.  The  Medo-Persian  tradition  as  represented 
by  Herodotus  lays  emphasis  on  the  part  taken  by  the 
Medes.  According  to  him  Deioces,  the  founder  of 
the  Median  kingdom,  about  the  beginning  of  the 
seventh  century,  was  followed  by  his  son,  Phraortes, 
who  attacked  and  subdued  the  Persians.  Not  satis- 
fied with  this  success,  Phraortes  engaged  in  war  with 
Assyria,  now  shorn  of  its  allies.  The  Assyrians, 
however,  defeated  him ;  he  lost  his  life  in  the  deci- 
sive battle.  His  son,  Cyaxares,  reorganized  the  Me- 
dian army  and  proceeded  against  Nineveh  to  avenge 
his  father.  The  Assyrian  army  had  been  defeated 
and  Nineveh  was  besieged,  when  the  Scythians,  led 
by  Madyes,  fell  upon  Media,  compelled  the  raising 
of  the  siege,  and  defeated  and  overcame  Cyaxares. 
They  then  overran  all  western  Asia  as  far  as  the  bor- 
ders of  Egypt,  whence,  by  gifts  and  prayers,  they 
were  induced  by  Psamtik  to  retire.  Their  dominion 
lasted  twenty-eight  years.  Cyaxares,  however,  suc- 
ceeded in  recovering  his  kingdom,  by  slaying  the 
Scythian  leaders  assembled  at  a  banquet.  He  then 
took  Nineveh  and  brought  the  Assyrian  state  to 
an  end. 

268.  In  the  Babylonian  tradition,  Sardanapalus 
(Ashurbanipal)   is  succeeded   by  Saracus   (Sinsh^f' 


324  ASSYRIA 

ishkun?).  Hearing  that  an  army  like  a  swarm  of 
locusts  was  advancing  from  the  sea,  he  sent  Busalos- 
sorus  (NabupaluQur  ?),  his  general,  to  Babylon.  The 
latter,  however,  allied  himself  with  the  Medes  by 
marrying  his  son,  Nebuchadrezzar,  to  the  daughter 
of  the  Median  prince,  Ashdakos,  and  advanced 
against  Nineveh.  Saracus,  on  hearing  of  the  rebel- 
lion of  his  vassal  and  the  contemplated  attack,  set  fire 
to  his  own  capital  and  perished  in  the  flames.  In 
another  form  of  the  story,  which  seems  to  combine 
elements  of  both  traditions,  it  is  said  that  the  Baby- 
lonian chief  united  with  the  Median  in  a  rebellion 
against  Sardanapalus  and  shut  him  up  in  Nineveh 
three  years.  In  the  third  year  the  Tigris  swept  away 
part  of  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  the  king,  in  despair, 
heaped  up  the  treasures  of  his  palace  upon  a  funeral 
pyre,  four  hundred  feet  high,  and  offered  himself  to 
death  in  the  fire,  together  with  his  wives. 

269.  The  inscriptions  of  Nabupalugur  contain  no 
reference  to  his  relations  to  Assyria,  beyond  his  claim 
to  be  king  of  Babylon  and  to  liave  conquered  the 
Shubari,  a  people  of  North  Mesopotamia  (sect.  143). 
The  stele  of  Nabuna'id  (ABL,  p.  158),  however, 
set  up  about  550  b.  c,  while  it  offers  difficulties  of 
its  own,  throws  a  welcome  light  upon  the  exaggera- 
tions and  confusions  in  the  traditions.  It  declares 
that  NabupaluQur  found  a  helper  in  the  "king  of  the 
Umman-manda,"  who  "ruined  the  temples  of  the 
gods  of  Assyria"  "and  the  cities  on  the  border  of 
Akkad  which  were  hostile  to  the  king  of  Akkad  and 
had  not  come  to  his  help,"  and  "laid  waste  their 
sanctuaries."  Both  traditions,  therefore,  contain 
elements  of  truth.     The   Babylonians  were  at  war 


CRITICISM   OF  THE   TRADITIONS  325 

with  Assyria  and  in  alliance  with  another  people  in 
this   war  ;  yet  not  the.  Babylonians,   but  this  other 
people,  actually  overthrew  Assyria.     Whether  this 
people,  whom  the  royal  chronicler  calls  the  Umman- 
manda,  is  to  be  identified  with  the  Medes,  or  was  one 
of  the  Scythian  hordes  of  which  Herodotus  writes,  is 
uncertain.       So   long   as   this    is    undetermined,    an 
important  part  of  the  historical  situation  cannot  be 
cleared   up.     What   is   tolerably  plain,   however,    is 
that,  when  NabupaluQur  set  himself  up  as  king  in 
Babylon,  the  Assyrian  rulers  sought  to  maintain  their 
power  there  and  succeeded  in  bringing  the  Babylonian 
usurper  into  straits.     A  happy  alliance  with  the  peo- 
ple of  the  eastern  mountains,  whether  Medes  under 
Cj^axares,    as  is,  indeed,    most   probable,    or  Scyth- 
ians, delivered  him  from  his  difficulties  and  opened 
the  war  which  closed  with  the  destruction  of  Nineveh 
and  the   disappearance   of   the  Assyrian   monarchy. 
The   vicissitudes    of    the   struggle,    the    length   and 
details  of  the  siege,  and  the  fate  of  the  last  Assyrian 
king  may  well  have  lived  on  in  the  Median  and  Baby- 
lonian traditions,   and  in  their  essential  features  be 
preserved  in  the  narratives  of  Herodotus  and  Berosus. 
In  the  series  of  references  of  the  prophet  Nahum  to 
the  defences  and  dangers  of  the  city  of  Nineveh,  have 
properly  been  thought  to  lie  the  observations  of  an 
eyewitness  of  the  splendors  of  that  mighty  capital. 
His  predictions  of  its  overthrow  and  particularly  of 
the  one  soon  to  come,  "  that  dasheth  in  pieces  "  (Nah. 
ii.    1),    may   have   had   their   occasion   in    his   own 
experiences  upon  Assyrian  soil  during  these  troubled 
years.     A   gruesome  memorial  of   the   assault  is   a 
fractured  skull,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum, 


326  ASSYRIA 

"supposed  to  have  belonged  to  the  soldier  who  was 
on  guard  in  the  palace  of  the  king"  (BMG,  p.  102). 
The  date  of  the  capture  of  the  capital,  the  final  blow 
which  crushed  Assyria,  while  not  exactly  determined, 
is  probably  606  B.  c.  Scarcely  twenty  years  after 
the  close  of  the  brilliant  reign  of  Ashurbanipal  the 
empire  had  disappeared. 

270.  Assyria's  sudden  collapse  is  so  startling  and 
unexpected  as  properly  to  cause  surprise  and  demand 
investigation.  The  series  of  events  which  culminated 
in  the  catastrophe  and  gave  occasion  for  this  fall  were, 
it  is  true,  such  as  could  not  have  been  prepared  for  in 
advance  and  they  would  have  sorely  strained  the  re- 
sisting power  of  any  state.  Yet  evidently  the  causes 
for  Assyria's  disappearance  before  this  combined  on- 
slaught of  her  enemies  must  lie  deeper.  The  prob- 
lem involves  a  consideration  of  the  elements  and 
forces  which  made  this  monarchy  so  great  and  en- 
abled it  to  attain  so  wide  and  magnificent  an  empire. 
Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  conditions 
of  soil  and  climate  in  which  a  population  hardy, 
vigorous,  and  warlike  would  be  nourished.  This 
people  was  from  the  first  environed  by  adveree  forces 
that  called  forth  its  aggressive  energies.  The  wild 
beasts  of  the  upper  Tigris  and  the  rude  tribes  of  the 
mountains  must  be  held  in  check,  while  a  hard  living 
was  wrung  from  the  ungracious  soil.  The  effect  was 
to  give  to  the  nation  a  peculiarly  warlike  charac- 
ter, and  to  weld  the  comparatively  small  population 
into  unity  of  spirit  and  action.  Leaders  were  de- 
manded and  produced  to  whom  large  initiative 
was  given,  and  in  whom  the  spirit  of  conquest  was 
supreme,  —  a  spirit   to  which  religion  and   culture 


ELEMENTS  OF  ASSYRIAN  STRENGTH  327 

might  contribute  energy,  but  which  they  could  not 
dominate. 

271.  To  this  people,  however,  from  the  beginning 
was  given  a  higher  ideal  than  mere  brutal  warfare. 
The  relation  of  Assyria  to  Babylon,  unique  in  the  his- 
tory of  mankind,  while  it  gave  an  outlet  to  Assyria's 
military  activity,  infused  into  her  heart  a  patiiotic 
purpose  to  deliver  the  mother  country  from  enemies, 
and  stirred  a  lofty  sentiment  of  reverence  for  the 
culture  and  civilization  there  achieved.  So  deep, 
indeed,  was  this  sentiment,  that  the  Assyrian  adopted 
in  its  entirety  the  culture  of  Babylonia,  its  language, 
its  art,  the  essentials  of  its  religion,  and  manifested 
little  or  no  desire  to  improve  upon  them.  This  pro- 
cedure, on  the  other  hand,  contributed  immeasurably 
to  the  successful  achievement  of  the  military  ideal 
which  lay  deep  in  the  Assyrian  heart.  Most  great 
nations  must  work  out  their  own  civilization  with 
constant  toil  and  distinct  sacrifice  of  energy.  But 
Assyria,  inheriting  and  appropriating  the  culture  of 
Babylon,  had  the  residue  of  strength  to  give  to  the 
work  of  conquest  and  political  administration.  She 
had  an  immense  start  in  the  race  for  supremacy;  no 
wonder  that  the  race  was  so  splendidly  won. 

272.  Yet  Assyria's  weakness  lay  in  the  very  ele- 
ments of  her  strength.  The  early  unity  of  national 
life  led  to  pride  of  race  and  blood  which  permitted 
no  admixture  and,  as  revealed  in  Assyrian  monu- 
mental portraits,  resulted  in  far  purer  Semitism  than 
was  the  case  with  the  Babylonians.  But  purity 
of  blood,  in  course  of  time,  enfeebles  a  people.  The 
Assyrian  was  no  exception.  The  defects  essential 
to  a  military  state  were  equally  manifest.     The  ex- 


328  ASSYRIA 

liausting  campaigns,  the  draft  upon  the  population, 
the  neglect  of  agricultural  development  which  is  the 
economic  basis  of  a  nation's  existence  and  for  which 
industry  or  commerce  cannot  compensate,  least  of  all 
the  spoils  of  aggressive  warfare,  the  supremacy  of 
great  landowners,  and  the  corresponding  disappearance 
of  free  peasants,  the  employment  of  mercenaries  and 
all  that  follows  in  its  train,  —  these  things,  inseparable 
from  a  military  regime,  undermined  Assyria's  vitality 
and  grew  more  and  more  dangerous  as  the  state 
enlarged.  These  weaknesses  might  have  been  less 
pronounced  had  Assyria  been  able  to  work  out  origi- 
nal and  fruitful  methods  of  social  and  civil  progress. 
But,  as  has  been  just  noted,  her  civilization,  because 
it  was  imitative,  set  free  more  energy  to  devote  to 
conquest;  hence  her  achievements  only  emphasized 
her  inner  emptiness.  No  great  distinctively  Assyrian 
poetry,  or  architecture,  or  ideals  of  life  and  religion 
ever  came  into  being.  The  nation  stood  for  none  of 
these  things.  Living  on  a  past  not  its  own,  it  could 
feel  no  quickening  of  the  inner  life.  No  contribution 
to  the  higher  ranges  of  human  thought  was  possible. 
Moreover,  in  its  administrative  activity,  one  central 
thing  was  lacking,  —  the  ability  to  organize  conquered 
peoples  in  a  way  to  unite  them  vitally  to  the  central 
government.  They  yielded  and  lay  passive  in  the 
grasp  of  the  mailed  fist,  but  no  national  spirit  thrilled 
through  the  mass  and  made  it  alive.  Assyrian  pride 
of  race  among  other  things  stood  in  the  way  of  union. 
Thus  in  some  measure  may  be  understood  how  the 
Assyrian  monarchy  so  suddenly  fell  at  the  height  of 
its  glory,  and  so  utterly  disappeared  that,  as  has  often 
been  observed,  when  Xenophon  and  his  Greeks  passed 


ASSYRIA'S   CONTRIBUTION  TO  PROGRESS       329 

by  the  site  of  Nineveh  some  two  hundred  years  later, 
they  did  not  so  much  as  know  that  any  such  capital 
had  ever  existed  there.  The  monarchy  had  stood  in 
proud  isolation,  ruling  its  empire  from  its  palaces  on 
the  Tigris;  with  its  passing,  the  great  fabric  which 
it  reared  was  neither  shattered  nor  shaken,  since  be- 
tween the  Assyrian  monarchy  and  the  Assyrian  em- 
pire no  vital  connection  existed.  Hence,  when  the 
one  disappeared,  the  other  passed  under  the  sway  of 
Babylon.  In  view  of  the  absolutism  and  tyranny  of 
the  monarchy  the  outburst  of  hate  and  exultation  at 
Assyria's  overthrow  is  not  surprising.  It  is  voiced 
most  clearly  by  the  prophets  of  that  petty  vassal 
state  upon  the  Judean  hills,  the  history  of  which  is 
at  the  same  time  the  wisest  commentary  upon  the 
career  of  its  haughty  and  tyrannical  master  and  his 
severest  condemnation. 

273.  Yet  Assyria's  contribution  to  world-history 
was  real  and  indispensable.  Its  rulers  supplied,  for 
the  first  time,  the  realization  of  an  ideal  which  has 
ever  attracted  the  world's  leaders,  —  the  unification  of 
peoples  in  a  world-empire,  the  dominance  of  one  lord, 
one  authority,  over  all  men.  In  this  achievement  it 
worked  out  the  beginnings,  necessarily  crude  and  im- 
perfect, of  political  organization  on  a  large  scale.  The 
institutions,  forms  of  government,  methods  of  admin- 
istration that  were  devised  by  its  statesmen,  formed 
the  basis  on  which  later  world-rulers  built  solider 
structures.  In  this  empire  thus  unified,  it  distributed 
the  elements  of  civilization,  the  most  fruitful  civili- 
zation of  that  day,  although  not  its  own.  Along  the 
roads  under  its  control  trade  and  commerce  peace- 
fully advanced  from  east  to  west,  and,  with  these, 


330  ASSYRIA 

went  art  and  culture  to  Asia  Minor  and  to  Greece. 
Even  its  wars,  cruel  as  they  were,  served  the  inter- 
ests of  civilization,  in  that  they  broke  down  and 
annihilated  the  various  petty  and  endlessly  contend- 
ing nationalities  of  western  Asia,  welding  all  into  a 
rude  sort  of  unity,  which  prepared  the  way  for  the 
next  onward  movement  in  the  world's  history.  A 
true  symbol  of  Assyria  is  offered  by  that  most  striking 
form  taken  by  its  art,  —  the  colossal  figure  standing 
at  the  entrance  of  the  royal  palaces,  a  human  head 
upon  a  bull's  trunk;  from  its  shoulders  spring  the 
wings  of  an  eagle,  but  its  hinder  parts  seem  still 
struggling  in  vain  to  escape  from  the  massive  block 
of  alabaster  in  which  the  sculptor  has  confined  them 
forever. 


PART  IV 

THE  NEW  BABYLONIAN  (OR  KALDEAN) 
EMPIRE 


THE  HEIRS  OF  ASSYRIA 

274.  The  two  peoples,  whose  union  had  accom- 
plished the  overthrow  of  Assyria,  had  no  difficulty 
about  the  division  of  the  spoils.  The  Manda  (Medes) 
were  a  mountain  folk,  with  problems  of  organization 
and  aspirations  to  conquest  as  yet  limited  to  the 
regions  east  and  north  of  the  Tigris.  Their  king, 
whom  the  Medo-Persian  tradition  (sect.  267)  names 
Cyaxares,  extended  his  sway  southward  over  Elam 
and  to  the  north  and  northwest  to  the  borders  of 
Asia  Minor,  where  he  came  into  conflict  with  the 
kingdom  of  Lydia.  A  decisive  battle  for  supremacy 
was  averted  only  by  an  eclipse  (585  B.  c),  and  sub- 
sequent negotiations  temporarily  fixed  the  boundary 
between  the  two  kingdoms  at  the  river  Halys. 
Cyaxares  seems  to  have  been  at  once  a  successful 
warrior  and  a  wise  administrator,  the  true  founder  of 
a  firm  nationality  among  the  widespread  and  restless 
peoples  of  this  region.  During  his  lifetime  peace 
between  him  and  the  rulers  of  the  kingdom  on  the 
Euphrates  was  unbroken,  sealed  as  it  had  been  by  the 
marriage  of  his  daughter  to  the  son  of  NabupaluQur. 

275.  It  was  natural  that  the  provinces  of  Assyria 
to  the  west  and  south  of  the  Tigris  and  the  moun- 
tain wall  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean  should  fall  to 
the  king  of  Babylon.     Various  districts  of  Babylonia 


334  NEW  BABYLONIA 

seem  to  have  been  held  by  the  Assyrians  for  a  time 
before  the  fall  of  Nineveh  (sect.  265),  but  there- 
after they  were  united  under  Babylonian  rule  with 
out  a  struggle.  This  fact,  coupled  with  the  tradition 
of  the  army  from  the  sea  which  he  was  sent  to  oppose 
(sect.  268),  but  with  which,  it  appears,  he  made 
common  cause,  suggests  that  NabupaluQur  was  a 
Kaldean,  and  that  with  him  these  tribes,  so  long 
struggling  wdth  Assyria  for  the  supremacy  over 
Babylon,  had  at  last  attained  their  goal.  Such,  also, 
was  the  opinion  of  the  Jewish  writers,  who  call  the 
king  and  his  armies  "Chaldean."  Hence  the  new 
empire  may  be  called,  the  Kaldean  Empire.  Yet 
during  the  past  centuries  of  contact,  so  intermingled 
in  blood  and  united  in  common  interests  had  Kal- 
deans  and  Babylonians  become,  that  the  empire  may 
with  equal  propriety  be  called  the  New  Babylonian 
Empire.  For  its  history  the  chief  sources  available 
are  the  Greek  writers  of  a  later  age.  Its  royal  in- 
scriptions, so  far  as  discovered,  are  occupied  more 
with  the  buildings  restored  by  the  kings  than  with 
the  wars  waged  by  them;  with  slight  exceptions, 
they  are  silent  as  to  relations  with  the  world  without. 
That  the  Greek  historians  were  not  always  accurate 
is  convincingly  proved  in  some  crucial  instances 
(sect.  312),  and  hence  the  modern  student  of  the 
period,  who  is  dependent  so  largely  upon  them,  treads 
often  on  uncertain  ground.  Happily,  the  contempora- 
neous accounts  of  the  Hebrew  writers,  prophets  and 
historians,  throw  much  welcome  light  on  some  im- 
portant details  of  foreign  affairs. 

276.   Although  Nalmpalucur  was  king  twenty-one 
years   (626-605   b.  c),    it   was   not  until   the   later 


feATTLE  OF  KARKHEMiSH  335 

period  of  his  reign  that  he  became  active  outside 
the  limits  of  his  capital.  The  alliance  with  the 
Manda  (Medes)  and  the  beginning  of  active  opera- 
tions against  Nineveh  could  hardly  have  been  previous 
to  610  B.  c.  The  few  inscriptions  that  are  known  to 
be  his,  describe  his  works  of  peace,  the  rebuilding  of 
Etemenanki,  the  temple  tower  of  Babylon,  the  re- 
opening of  the  canal  at  Sippar,  and  the  rearing  there 
of  a  temple  to  the  Belit,  or  "  mistress  of  Sippar."  One 
inscription  speaks  vaguely  of  the  destruction  of  his 
enemies,  and  refers  particularly  to  the  overthrow  of 
the  Shubari  and  the  turning  of  "their  land  into 
mounds  and  plough-land."  This  would  indicate  a 
campaign  in  northern  Mesopotamia,  and,  were  it  not 
for  the  statement  of  Nabuna'id  (Nabonidus)  that  the 
Babylonian  king  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  temples  of  Assyria,  might  reasonably  be 
regarded  as  a  reference  to  the  final  expedition  in 
which  Nineveh  fell.  In  fact,  however,  it  suggests 
that  while  the  siege  of  Nineveh  was  going  on,  the 
army  of  Nabupalu§ur,  under  his  son  Nabu-kudurri- 
uquT  (Nebuchadrezzar),  was  operating  in  upper  Meso- 
potamia on  the  Euphrates.  The  whole  region  was  in 
confusion;  wandering  bands  of  mountaineers  were 
pillaging  the  towns;  Haran's  famous  temple  of  the 
moon -god  was  ruined  by  such  a  raid.  The  army  of 
Necho  II.  of  Egypt  (sect.  265)  was  also  threatening 
the  fords  of  the  river,  and,  having  already  taken 
possession  of  Syria,  was  prepared  to  demand  a  still 
greater  share  of  the  spoils  of  Nineveh.  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, after  clearing  the  country  east  of  the  river, 
crossed  it  and  met  the  Egyptians  on  Syrian  soil  at 
the  famous  city  of  Karkhemish  in  605  B.  c.   (Jer, 


336  NEW  BABYLONIA 

xlvi.  2).  Necho  was  thoroughly  beaten  and  fled 
hastilj^  southward,  followed  by  the  Kaldean  army. 
The  vassal  kings  paid  their  homage  to  the  new 
conqueror.  Among  them  was  Jehoiakim  of  Judah 
(2  Kings  xxiv.  1).  Nebuchadrezzar,  at  the  border 
of  Egypt,  received  news  of  the  death  of  his  father. 
Fearing  difficulties  regarding  his  accession,  he 
made  a  treaty  with  Necho  by  which  the  latter  relin- 
quished his  claims  to  Palestine  and  Syria,  and  at  once 
marched  rapidly  across  the  desert  to  Babylon.  At 
Babylon  he  seems  to  have  found  all  things  in  quiet, 
and  ascended  the  throne  at  the  close  of  605  B.  c. 
The  heritage  of  Assyria,  so  far  as  it  fell  to  the  Baby- 
lonian heir,  had  been  secured,  with  the  exception  of 
Egypt,  and  the  new  king,  while  ruling  over  a  region 
far  less  extensive  than  that  of  the  great  Assyrian 
monarchs,  possessed  a  territory  that  in  size,  posi- 
tion, and  resources  still  deserved  to  be  called  an 
empire. 


II 

NEBUCHADREZZAR  AND  HIS  SUCCESSORS 

27T.  The  exact  reason  for  Nebuchadrezzar's  haste 
in  returning  to  Babylon  to  secure  the  throne  may  not 
be  easy  to  name,  but  the  fear  of  trouble  which  such 
an  action  suggests  was  prophetic.  A  curious  passage 
from  the  description  of  the  ceremonial  at  the  rebuild- 
ing of  the  Marduk  temple  in  Babylon,  found  in  an 
inscription  of  Nabupalu§ur,  may  throw  some  light 
upon  the  situation; 

Unto  Marduk,  my  lord,  I  bowed  my  neck  ;  I  arrayed 
myself  in  my  gown,  the  robe  of  my  royalty.  Bricks  and 
mortar  I  carried  on  my  head,  a  dupshikku  of  gold  and 
silver  I  wore ;  and  Nebuchadrezzar,  the  first-born,  the 
chief  son,  beloved  of  my  heart,  I  caused  to  carry  mortar 
mixed  with  wine,  oil,  and  (other)  products  along  with 
my  workmen.  Nabu-shura-lisher,  his  talhnu,  the  offspring 
of  my  own  flesh,  the  junior,  my  darling,  I  ordered  to 
take  a  basket  and  spade  (?) ;  a  dupshikku  of  gold  and 
silver  I  placed  (on  him).  Unto  Marduk,  my  lord,  as  a 
gift,  I  dedicated  him  (II.  59-III.  18 ;  see  ABL,  p.  132). 

278.  The  struggle  of  two  brothers  for  their  father's 
throne  has  already  appeared  in  Assyrian  history.  In 
this  case  the  younger  seems,  from  this  passage,  to 
have  been  intended  by  his  father  for  a  special  post  in 
the  kingdom ;  the  consecration  to  Marduk  indicated, 
probably,    his   elevation   to   the   priesthood   and,    in 

22 


338  NEW  Babylonia 

connection  with  the  epithet  talimu^  suggests  to 
Winckler  (AOF,  II.  ii.  pp.  193  ff.)  an  appointment 
as  king  of  Babylon,  while  the  elder  brother  was  to  be 
ruler  of  the  empire  and  the  suzerain.  Thus  the  old 
problem  of  Babylonian  prerogative  reappeared  under 
the  Kaldeans.  While  the  fully  developed  theory, 
as  held  by  Winckler  (1.  c),  of  a  division  between 
the  hierarchy  and  the  Kaldean  rulers  that  runs  all 
through  the  history  of  this  empire  and  finally  causes 
its  ruin,  is  improbable,  the  existence  of  intrigue  and 
the  danger  of  dynastic  troubles  are  obvious.  How  to 
be  king  of  Babylon  in  all  the  ancient  religious  mean- 
ing of  that  term  and  at  the  same  time  to  harmonize 
the  demands  of  this  position  with  the  administration  of 
the  greater  state,  remained,  to  the  end,  the  standing 
problem  of  the  Mesopotamian  dynasties.  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, however,  by  the  promptness  of  his  appearance 
on  the  scene  and  through  the  fidelity  of  his  father's 
counsellors,  overcame  whatever  opposition  may  have 
existed,  and  in  his  long  reign  (605-562  B.C.)  main- 
tained his  supreme  position  with  power  undisturbed 
by  revolt  and  splendor  undimmed  b}^  rivalry. 

279.  If  the  Kaldean  empire  was  of  modest  propor- 
tions in  comparison  with  that  of  Assyria,  jjbjiad  the 
advantage  of  relief  from  the  wearisome  and  costly 
wars  with  mountain  peoples.  The  absorption  of  all 
the  northern  and  eastern  Assyrian  provinces  by  the 
Manda  (Medes),  and  the  firm  alliance  between  them 
and  the  Kaldean  king,  left  him  free  to  take  possession 
of  the  more  compact  and  tractable  districts  which  fell 
to  him  and  to  organize  their  administration.  How 
this  was  done  is  not  very  clear,  except  as  it  may  be 
inferred  from  the  details  of  his  relations  to  the  single 


JUDAH  AND  NEBUCHADREZZAR  339 

kingdom  of  Judali,  as  preserved  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment writings.  Nebuchadrezzar  himself  has  left  no 
documents  of  value  that  bear  upon  this  side  of  his 
activity.  But  the  long  and  instructive  biblical  story 
of  Judah's  fortunes,  involved,  as  they  were,  with  the 
fate  of  neighboring  peoples,  reveals  with  sufficient 
fulness  the  king's  modes  of  procedure  and  ideals  of 
administration,  as  well  as  the  problems  and  difficulties 
that  he  was  compelled  to  meet.  The  study  of  it  is 
essential  to  the  understanding  of  Babylonian  history. 
Unfortunately  the  narratives  are  not  free  from  con- 
fusion and  contradictions,  the  special  investigation 
of  which  belongs  to  the  student  of  Jewish  rather  than 
of  Babylonian  history.  In  general,  Egypt  was  the 
troublesome  factor  in  this  region.  The  twenty-sixth 
dynasty  had  succeeded  in  reorganizing  the  Nile 
principalities  into  something  like  unity,  and  in  so 
adjusting  the  demands  of  the  various  classes  as  to  oc- 
cupy a  firm  seat  at  the  head  of  affairs.  Accordingly,  it 
proceeded  to  reassert  its  old  pre-eminence  in  western 
Asia.  After  Necho's  conclusive  defeat  at  Kar- 
khemish,  he  did  not,  however,  make  a  new  attempt 
in  force  upon  Palestine  (2  Kings  xxiv.  7),  but  pre- 
ferred to  use  intrigue  to  induce  the  communities 
there  to  rebel.  Jehoiakim  may,  in  the  beginning, 
have  stood  by  his  Egyptian  suzerain  and  suffered 
punishment  from  Nebuchadrezzar's  army  on  its  first 
advance  (2  Chron.  xxxvi.  6f.);  but  after  his  submis- 
sion he  remained  faithful  to  Babylon  for  three  years 
(2  Kings  xxiv.  1),  till  601  B.  c.  At  last  the  situa- 
tion became  intolerable.  Palestine  was  seething 
with  elements  of  revolution.  The  Kaldean  army  had 
been  withdrawn.     Bedouin  were  raiding  the  border 


340  NEW  BABYLONIA 

communities,  and  these,  in  turn,  were  harrying  the 
frontiers  of  Judah  (2  Kings  xxiv.  2).  The  Keda- 
renes  were  pouring  into  Syria  from  the  desert  at  the 
same  time  (Jer.  xlix.  28),  —  the  whole  movement 
being  the  result  of  the  removal  of  Assyrian  pressure, 
which,  for  the  last  century,  had  presented  an  un- 
yielding barrier  to  the  advance  of  this  last  wave 
of  Arabian  migration.  So  Jehoiakim  renounced  his 
allegiance.  For  a  'year  or  more  he  was  left  undis- 
turbed, until  Nebuchadrezzar  apparently  was  forced  to 
send  an  army  to  restore  his  own  authority  throughout 
the  western  border.  Jerusalem  closed  its  gates  and 
was  besieged.  Meanwhile  Jehoiakim  died,  and  his 
son  Jehoiachin  succeeded  to  the  throne.  Nebuchad- 
rezzar had  followed  his  army  in  order  to  settle  the 
affairs  of  the  west,  and,  when  he  appeared  before 
Jerusalem,  Jehoiachin  gave  himself  up  to  his  over- 
lord (597  B.  c).  The  kingdom  was  punished  by  the 
deportation  of  the  king,  his  court  and  from  nine  to 
ten  thousand  of  the  citizens.  Jehoiachin's  uncle  was 
appointed  king  under  the  name  of  Zedekiah,  and 
sworn  to  faithfulness  to  Babylon.  During  the  same 
campaign  it  is  probable  that  the  Bedouin  were 
driven  back  and  the  other  disturbances  upon  the 
border  quieted.  The  captured  king  was  imprisoned 
in  Babylon,  and  his  people  were  settled  in  central 
Babylonia  near  Nippur  on  the  Khebar  canal. 

280.  But  quiet  had  been  only  temporarily  restored. 
Zedekiah  found  his  people  hard  to  restrain.  The 
states  on  the  east,  Ammon,  Moab,  and  Edom,  were  in 
ferment,  and  Judah,  if  faithful  to  its  suzerain,  was 
in  danger  of  constant  inroads  from  that  quarter. 
Their  ambassadors  appeared  at  his  court,  and  at  the 


THE  OVERTHROW  OF  JUDAH  341 

same  time  emissaries  from  Tyre  and  Sidon  were 
present  (Jer.  xxvii.  3)  to  urge  common  cause  against 
Nebuchadrezzar.  Twice,  apparently,  it  was  neces- 
sary for  Zedekiah  to  explain  matters  at  Babylon,  once 
by  sending  ambassadors  (Jer.  xxix.  3),  and  once  by 
appearing  in  person  before  the  king  (Jer.  li.  59). 
The  deported  Jews  in  Babylonia  were  also  intriguing 
in  the  interests  of  rebellion,  and  even  the  burning 
alive  of  two  of  the  most  outspoken  of  their  leaders, 
by  the  order  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  could  not  restrain 
them.  Finally,  Pharaoh  Hophra,  who  had  succeeded 
Psamtik  IT.,  son  of  Necho,  in  589  B.C.  threw  himself 
vigorously  into  the  cause  of  the  conspirators  and 
Zedekiah  joined  them  (588  b.  c).  Nebuchadrezzar 
bestirred  himself  and  advanced  in  strong  force  as  far 
as  Riblah  on  the  middle  Orontes.  Thence  he  sent 
out  a  division  against  Judah,  that  overran  the 
country  and  besieged  the  three  strongholds  which 
held  out,  Azekah,  Lachish,  and  Jerusalem  (Jer. 
xxxiv.  7).  The  defence  of  Jerusalem  was  particu- 
larly desperate;  only  after  a  siege  of  one  and  a 
half  years  was  it  taken  (586  b.  c).  The  usual  pun- 
ishments were  inflicted.  The  king  was  blinded  by 
Nebuchadrezzar's  own  hand ;  his  sons  and  counsellors 
were  slain,  the  citizens  deported,  the  city  was  de- 
molished, and  the  booty  carried  away.  The  people 
remaining  in  the  land  were  left  under  the  oversight 
of  a  Jewish  noble,  Gedaliah,  and,  when  later  he  was 
slain  by  one  of  his  fellow  chieftains,  the  region  was 
still  further  desolated  and  abandoned.  Thus  the  old 
tragedy  was  re-enacted,  and  for  the  last  time.  It  is 
true  that  Hophra  had  made  a  demonstration  against 
tlie  Kaldeans  during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  that  had 


342  NEW  BABYLONIA 

compelled  a  temporary  raising  of  the  siege,  but  the 
lack  of  concerted  action  on  the  part  of  the  rebels  was 
followed  by  the  usual  disaster.  Edom  and  Moab  had 
already  made  their  peace  with  their  overlord.  Ammon 
and  Tyre  do  not  seem  to  have  played  any  active  part 
in  the  struggle.     Judah  stood  alone  and  perished. 

281.  Nebuchadrezzar  seems  to  have  proceeded 
against  Tyre  and  besieged  it.  The  siege  is  said  to 
have  lasted  thirteen  years  (585-573  B.  c),  after  which 
the  city  came  to  terms,  although  it  was  not  entered  by 
the  Kaldean  king.  The  death  of  its  king,  Itobaal  II., 
coincided  with  its  submission.  Egypt  was  attacked 
by  Nebuchadrezzar  in  568  B.  c. ,  at  a  time  when 
Hophra  had  been  followed  by  Amasis  as  a  result  of 
internal  strife.  Of  the  success  or  extent  of  the  cam- 
paign there  is  no  definite  knowledge.  It  was  little 
more  than  a  punitive  expedition,  from  which  Egypt 
speedily  recovered. 

282.  If  the  knowledge  of  Nebuchadrezzar's  wars 
and  the  administration  of  his  empire  must  be  derived 
largely  from  others  than  himself,  the  case  is  different 
with  respect  to  his  activity  in  Babylonia.  To  this  long 
inscriptions  are  devoted,  and  small  tablets,  stamps, 
and  bricks  from  many  famous  sites  add  their  testi- 
mony. He  describes,  particularly,  his  building  opera- 
tions in  the  city  of  Babylon,  the  fortifications,  the 
palaces,  and  the  temples  reared  by  him.  Utility  and 
adornment  were  his  guiding  principles,  but  not  with- 
out the  deeper  motives  of  piety  and  patriotism.  In 
Babylonia  at  large,  he  labored  at  the  restoration  of 
the  canal  system,  so  important  for  agriculture,  com- 
merce, and  defence.  One  canal  which  was  restored  by 
him,  led  from  the  Euphrates  south  of  Hit  directly  to 


INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS  343 

the  gulf  through  the  centre  of  Babylonia ;  another  on 
the  west  of  the  Euphrates  opened  up  to  irrigation  and 
agriculture  the  edge  of  the  Arabian  desert.  The 
river,  as  it  passed  along  before  Babylon,  was  lined 
with  bricks  laid  in  bitumen,  which  at  low  water 
are  visible  to-day.  The  city-canals  were  similarly 
treated.  Those  connecting  the  two  rivers  and  extend- 
ing through  the  land  between  them  were  reopened.  A 
system  of  basins,  dykes,  and  dams  guarded  and  guided 
the  waters  of  the  rivers,  —  works  so  various  and  colos- 
sal as  to  excite  the  admiration  of  the  Greeks,  who 
saw  or  heard  of  them.  A  system  of  defences  was 
planned  by  the  erection  of  a  great  wall  in  north  Baby- 
lonia, stretching  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Tigris ;  it 
was  flanked  east  and  west,  by  a  series  of  ramparts  of 
earth  and  moats  filled  with  water,  and  extended  south- 
v/ard  as  far  as  Nippur.  It  was  called  the  Median 
wall.  Restorations  of  temples  were  made  in  Borsippa, 
Sippar,  Ur,  Uruk,  Larsam,  Dilbat,  and  Baz.  More 
than  forty  temples  and  shrines  are  mentioned  in 
the  inscriptions  as  receiving  attention.  Bricks  bear- 
ing the  king's  name  are  said  to  have  come  from  every 
site  in  Babylonia,  from  Bagdad  to  the  mouth  of  the 
rivers.  He  may  well  stand  as  the  greatest  builder 
of  all  the  kings  of  the  Mesopotamian  valley. 

283.  An  estimate  of  the  policy  and  achievements 
of  Nebuchadrezzar,  while  limited  by  the  unequal 
amount  of  information  on  the  various  phases  of  his 
activity,  and  subject  to  revision  in  the  light  of  new 
material,  can  be  undertaken  with  a  reasonable  expec- 
tation of  general  accuracy.  Tiele  has  called  him  one 
of  the  greatest  rulers  of  antiquity  (BAG,  p.  454), 
and,  when  his  operations  in  Babylonia  are  considered. 


344  NEW  BABYLONIA 

that  statement  has  weight  and  significance.     A  cen- 
tury and  a  half  of  war,  in  which  Babylonia  had  been 
the  field  of  battle,  had  reduced  its  cities  to  ruins 
and  its  fields  to  waste  lands.     Its  temples  had  been 
spoiled  or  neglected,  and  its  gods,  in  humiliation  or 
wrath,  had  abandoned  their  dwelling-places.     War- 
ring factions  had  divided  up  the  country  between 
them,  or  vied  with  one  another  in  handing  it  over  to  . 
foreign  foes.     The  first  duty  of  the  king,  who  loved  ) 
his  people  and  considered  the  well-being  and  pros-  j 
perity  of  his  government,  was  to  restore  and  unite,    j 
Recovery  and  consolidation,  —  these  were  the  watch-^ 
words  of  public  polic^^  for  the  time,  and  these  Ne- 
buchadrezzar set  himself  to  realize.     It  is  no  chance, 
then,   that  his  inscriptions   deal  so  uniformly  with 
Babylonian   affairs,    with    matters   of    building   and 
canalization  and  religion.     It  has  been  pointed  out, 
also,    that   his    far-seeing   policy    contemplated    the 
danger  from  the  Medes,  his  present  allies,  and  that 
his  elaborate  scheme   of   defences  was   intended  to 
make  Babylon  impregnable  in  the  conflict  which  he 
saw  impending.     All  this  was  sagacious  and  states- 
manlike. 

284.  In  the  fulfilment  of  this  policy,  the  king  con- 
ceived it  indispensable  to  lay  the  emphasis  on  the 
pre-eminence  of  his  capital,  the  city  of  Babylon. 
Here  were  his  most  extensive  and  costly  buildings 
erected.  For  its  protection  the  vast  system  of  forti- 
fications was  designed.  To  beautify  and  adorn  its 
streets  and  temples  was  his  supremest  desire,  as  the 
exaltation  of  its  gods  was  the  deepest  thought  of  his 
heart.  He,  or  his  successors,  even  went  so  far  as  to 
destroy  the  famous   temple  of  the  elder  Bel  in  th^ 


ADMINISTRATIVE  WEAKNESS  345 

immemorially  sacred  city  of  Nippur,  the  sanctuary 
of  the  whole  land,  an  act  which  has  its  explanation 
only  in  this  purpose  to  glorify  Marduk  of  Babylon 
(Peters,  Nippur,  IT.  p.  262).  But  one  title  is  borne 
by  him  in  all  his  inscriptions,  and  that  is  "  King  of 
Babylon;"  and  in  them  he  declares,  "With  the  ex- 
ception of  Babylon  and  Borsippa  I  did  not  adorn  a 
single  city,"  and  "Because  my  heart  did  not  love  the 
abode  of  my  royalty  in  another  city,  in  no  (other) 
human  habitation  did  I  build  a  residence  for  my 
lordship.  Property,  the  insignia  of  royalty,  I  did 
not  establish  anywhere  else  "  (ABL,  pp.  140,  141). 
Reasonable  question  may  be  raised  as  to  the  wisdom 
of  this  procedure.  The  Assyrian  kings,  while  they 
glorified  Nineveh,  or  Kalkhi,  always  proclaimed 
themselves  rulers  of  the  state  or  the  empire,  and  the 
title  assumed  was  recognized  to  entail  responsibility. 
But  Nebuchadrezzar  chose  to  follow  the  less  laudable 
feature  of  the  example  of  his  predecessors,  and,  when 
the  city  concerned  was  Babylon,  with  the  jealousies 
and  rivalries  which  had  gathered  around  it,  the  pref- 
erence was  doubtfully  wise.  To  have  developed  the 
religious,  economic,  and  even  defensive  significance 
of  the  other  cities,  while  indicating  his  preference  for 
Babylon,  would  have  removed  difficulties  which  his 
successors  found  insoluble. 

285.  The  most  serious  modification  of  one's  high 
estimate  of  Nebuchadrezzar  must  be  made  when  his 
administration  of  his  empire  is  examined.  The  fun- 
damental principles  of  his  policy  in  this  field  are  in- 
volved in  his  preference  of  Babylonia  and  its  capital. 
It  is  true  that  the  following  passage  in  his  inscriptions 
must  be  given  due  weight: 


346  NEW  BABYLONIA 

Far-off  lands,  distant  mountains,  from  the  Upper  Sea 
to  the  Lower  Sea,  steep  trails,  unopened  paths,  where 
motion  was  impeded,  where  there  was  no  foothold,  diffi- 
cult roads,  journeys  without  water,  I  traversed,  and  the 
unruly  I  overthrew;  I  bound  as  captives  my  enemies; 
the  land  I  set  in  order  and  the  people  I  made  to  prosper; 
both  bad  and  good  among  the  people  I  took  under  my 
care  (?);  silver,  gold,  costly  precious  stones,  bronze, 
palm-wood,  cedar-wood,  all  kinds  of  precious  things,  a 
rich  abundance,  the  product  of  the  mountains,  the  wealth 
of  the  seas,  a  heavy  gift,  a  splendid  present,  to  my  city 
Babylon  I  brought  (EIH,  II.  13  ff.)- 

This,  however,  is  the  only  statement  of  the  kind  to 
be  found,  and  its  limitations  are  obvious.  The  facts, 
which  his  dealing  with  Judah  and  the  other  western 
states  reveals,  lower  its  significance  yet  more.  For  a 
century  Assyria  had  maintained  its  supremacy  there 
with  little  or  no  trouble,  with  what  success  can  be 
measured  in  a  single  instance.  On  good  grounds  it 
has  been  held  that  King  Josiah's  opposition  to  Necho 
of  Egypt  was  inspired  by  his  loyalty  to  Assyria, 
though  that  state  was  now  at  its  last  gasp.  Its 
government  had  been  severe,  but  it  had  organized 
and  protected  its  vassals.  But  the  Jewish  rebel- 
lion against  Nebuchadrezzar  is  explicable,  chiefly 
from  the  neglect  of  the  Babylonian  king  to  look 
after  the  subject  states  in  the  west.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  anything  but  the  most  general  super- 
vision was  exercised.  Assyrian  methods  were  ser- 
vilely imitated.  The  punishment  of  Judah  is  a 
most  instructive  example.  The  Jews  were  de- 
ported, but  no  peoples  were  put  in  their  place. 
The  s;)^stem  of   dealing   with  a  conquered  city,  de- 


HULE  OF  THE  PROVINCES  347 

veloped  by  Assyria,  was  employed  (McCurdy,  HPM, 
III.  pp.  287  ff.),  except  that  the  rehabilitation  of  the 
wasted  and  spoiled  district  was  quite  overlooked, 
and  it  was  practically  abandoned.  Thus,  while 
Babylonia  was  enriched  by  spoils  of  war  and  captives, 
a  vassal  kingdom,  paying  tribute  and  important  to 
the  well-being  of  the  west,  was  annihilated.  Nor 
did  the  deportation  accomplish  the  results  which  the 
Assyrian  system  contemplated.  The  Jews,  segre- 
gated in  Babylonia  and  left  practically  to  themselves, 
preserved  their  national  spirit  and  were  a  constant 
trouble  to  their  master.  On  the  whole,  therefore,  it  is 
probable  that  Nebuchadrezzar  was  interested  in  the 
empire  only  as  it  contributed  to  the  enrichment  of 
the  capital,  and  where  commercial  interests  were  not 
at  stake,  he  paid  little  attention  to  his  possessions 
outside  of  Babylonia.  The  Euphrates  and  the  trade- 
routes  to  the  sea  were  kept  open,  because  Babylonian 
merchants  demanded  this,  and  the  prosperity  of  the 
great  emporium  at  the  mouth  of  the  rivers  was 
involved  in  it.  Where  subject-states  not  industrially 
or  commercially  of  the  first  importance  made  trouble, 
they  were  demolished.  ^ 

286.  Nebuchadrezzar  was,  in  truth,  a  son  of  Baby-  ■ 
Ionia,  not  of  Assyria,  a  man  of  peace,  not  of  war,  a 
devotee  of  religion  and  culture,  not  of  organization 
and  administration.  His  strength  as  a  world-ruler 
lay  in  his  inheritance,  —  the  alliance  with  the  Medes 
made  by  his  father  and  the  methods  of  imperial 
organization  which  Assyria  had  bequeathed  to  him. 
His  Babylonian  policy  had  its  strong  and  its  weak 
points.  For  the  rest,  he  manifested  the  cruelty,  the 
luxury,  and  the  ruthless  energy  characteristic  of  the 


US  NEW  BA13YL0NIA 

great  Semitic  monarchs.  From  this  point  of  view, 
the  picture  of  him  in  the  Book  of  Daniel  is,  in  not  a 
few  respects,  strikingly  accurate.  His  inscriptions 
reveal  a  loftiness  of  religious  sentiment,  unequalled 
in  the  royal  literature  of  the  oriental  world.  As  a 
pious  worshipper  of  Marduk  and  his  son  Nabu,  he 
utters  prayers  which,  though  they  may  not  be  of  his 
own  composition,  were  sanctioned  by  him  and  bear 
witness  to  the  height  of  religious  thought  and  feeling 
reached  in  his  day.  The  following  is  not  the  least 
remarkable  of  these  petitions: 

0  eternal  prince  !    Lord  of  all  being ! 
As  for  the  king  whom  thou  lovest,  and 
Whose  name  thou  hast  proclaimed 
-As  was  pleasing  to  thee, 

Do  thou  lead  aright  his  life, 
Guide  him  in  a  straight  path. 

1  am  the  prince,  obedient  to  thee, 
The  creature  of  thy  hand ; 
Thou  hast  created  me,  and 
With  dominion  over  all  people 
Thou  hast  intrusted  me. 
According  to  thy  grace,  O  Lord, 
Which  thou  dost  bestow  on 

All  people. 

Cause  me  to  love  thy  supreme  dominion, 

And  create  in  my  heart 

The  worship  of  thy  god-head. 

And  grant  whatever  is  pleasing  to  thee, 

Because  thou  hast  fashioned  my  life. 

(EIH,  I.  55.) 

Similar  utterances  justify  Tide's  statement  that  an 
Israelite  worshipper,  by  substituting  Jehovah  and 
Jerusalem  for  Marduk  and  Babylon,  could  take  them 
upon  his  own  lips.     As  coming  from  the  king,  they 


NEBUCHADREZZAR'S  StJCCESSORS  349 

indicate  a  remarkable  conception  of  sovereignty,  its 
ideals  and  obligations,  as  well  as  its  source  in  the 
righteous  character  and  beneficent  will  of  God  Al> 
mighty  (J  as  trow,  RBA,  pp.  298  f.). 

287.  The  instability  of  the  dynasty  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, in  spite  of  his  own  vigorous  and  successful 
reign,  is  painfully  manifest  in  the  careers  of  his  suc- 
cessors. He  was  followed  by  his  son  Amel  Marduk 
(Evil-merodach),  who  was  slain  by  his  brother-in-law 
Nergal-shar-ugur  (Neriglissar)  after  a  reign  of  two 
years  (562-560  b.  c).  The  latter  ascended  the  throne 
to  rule  but  four  years  (560-556  b.  c),  when  he  was  cut 
off,  apparently,  by  an  untimely  yet  not  violent  death. 
His  son,  Labashi  Marduk  (Labosoarchod),  followed 
him  as  king,  but,  after  ruling  nine  months  (556  B.  c), 
was  made  away  with  by  a  body  of  conspirators  who 
chose  one  of  their  number,  Nabuna'id  (Nabonidus), 
to  be  king,  the  last  to  occupy  that  seat  as  ruler  of 
the  New  Babylonian  Empire. 

288.  Nabuna'id  has  left  an  instructive  commentary 
upon  the  political  situation  of  these  years  in  his  stele, 
recently  discovered,  describing  the  events  connected 
with  his  own  accession,  the  character  of  his  predeces- 
sors, and  his  rule  of  Babylonia.  According  to  him, 
Amel  Marduk  and  Labashi  Marduk  had  failed  to  keep 
the  precepts  and  follow  the  policies  of  their  respective 
fathers,  Nebuchadrezzar  and  Nergalsharugur,  and 
hence  fate  carried  them  away  before  their  time. 
The  fathers,  however,  had  agreed  in  their  politi- 
cal policy,  and  this  policy  Nabuna'id  set  before 
himself  as  ruler.  In  essential  harmony  with  the 
testimony  of  Nabuna'id  is  that  of  Berosus  (Jos. 
Cont.  Ap.,  I.  20),  who  describes  Amel  Marduk  as 


3oO  NEW  BABYLONIA 

"lawless  and  impious"  and  Labashi  Marduk  as  "hot 
knowing  how  to  rule."  Such  characterizations  of 
these  kings,  however,  evidently  made  by  their 
enemies,  are  so  vague  as  to  leave  large  room  for 
hypothesis  as  to  the  particular  policy  they  pursued. 
Some  modern  students  have  regarded  them  as  adher- 
ents of  the  priestly  party  and,  as  such,  overpowered 
and  removed  by  the  military  or  official  party.  For 
this  view  support  has  been  sought  in  the  one  known 
specific  act  of  Amel  Marduk,  the  release  of  Jehoiachin 
of  Judah  (sect.  279)  from  prison  and  his  admission 
to  the  royal  table  (2  Kings  xxv.  27  ff.).  But  the 
motive  for  this  act  is  uncertain,  and  the  exactly 
opposite  hypothesis  is  held  by  others.  All  that  can 
be  said  with  certainty  is  that,  beneath  the  firm  rule 
of  Nebuchadrezzar,  intrigues  and  strifes  of  parties 
had  been  secretly  growing  the  manifestation  of  which 
in  the  following  years  threw  the  government  into 
confusion  and  threatened  the  collapse  of  the  state. 
Had  NergalsharuQur  lived  longer,  he  might  have 
kept  affairs  in  order  and  prolonged  the  life  of  the 
empire,  for  his  inscriptions  indicate  that  he  was  a 
man  of  capacity,  active  in  the  restoration  of  Baby- 
lonian cities  and  temples,  quite  in  the  spirit  of 
Nebuchadrezzar.  The  reign  of  Nabuna'id  introduces 
new  elements  into  the  final  scene  of  Babylon's  down- 
fall and  deserves,  therefore,  a  separate  discussion. 


Ill 

BABYLONIA  UNDER  THE  KALDEANS 

289.  The  accession  of  the  Kaldi  to  supremacy  in 
Babylonia  might  be  expected  to  result  in  the  com- 
munication of  new  and  original  impulses  to  the 
somewhat  stationary  civilization  of  that  ancient  land. 
They  had  proved  their  right  to  exist  as  a  people  and 
their  power  both  to  endure  hardness  and  to  rise 
superior  to  disaster,  by  centuries  of  conflict  with  the 
mightiest  organized  force  that  had  as  yet  appeared 
in  the  world.  They  had  even  outlived  Assyria  and 
divided  her  spoils,  and,  unhindered  by  opposition, 
were  now  in  a  position  to  realize  their  national  ideals 
in  the  fairest  region  of  the  ancient  world. 

290.  Materials  exist  in  reasonable  abundance  from 
which  to  gain  knowledge  of  the  contribution  made 
by  this  regime  to  human  progress  and  to  estimate  its 
character.  It  is  true  that  the  ruins  of  Babylon  itself 
have  not,  as  yet,  been  so  carefully  investigated  as  to 
yield  much  information  concerning  the  art  and  archi- 
tecture of  the  city  in  its  Kaldean  prime,  although 
this  lack  will,  it  is  hoped,  be  supplied  by  the  work 
of  the  German  commission  now  excavating  there 
(1902).  But  a  thoroughly  representative  series  of 
royal  inscriptions  exists,  as  an  evidence  of  the  litera- 
ture, and  vast  collections  of  business  documents, 
extending   from   the   beginning   to   the   end   of   the 


352  NEW  BABYLONIA 

period,  open  up  the  social  life  of  the  people  in  all  its 
varied  aspects.  The  writings  of  the  Hebrew  exiles 
in  the  land  and  the  reports  of  later  Greek  travellers 
and  historians  make  additions  of  no  little  value. 

291.  The  examination  of  these  sources  of  informa- 
tion reveals  a  general  result  which  is  at  first  thought 
somewhat  surprising.  It  discloses  a  life  and  culture 
which  differ  in  no  essential  respects  from  the  Baby- 
lonian civilization  of  the  past  two  thousand  years. 
The  sketch  of  the  society  of  2500  B.  c.  (Part  I. 
chaps,  iii.,  iv.)  stands  in  the  main  without  need  of 
alteration  for  the  society  of  500  B.  c.  As  in  the  case 
of  the  Kassites  (sect.  123),  so  in  that  of  the  Kaldi  the 
age-long  Babylonian  civilization  has  absorbed  the  new 
elements  and  has  moulded  them  into  its  immemorial 
forms.  The  same  occupations  are  followed ;  the  same 
institutions  are  preserved;  the  same  social  classes 
exist;  the  same  principles  of  legal,  political,  and 
moral  action  prevail ;  the  same  forms  of  intercourse 
are  maintained.  There  seems  to  be  almost  a  conscious 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  Kaldean  leaders  to  return  to 
the  ancient  customs.  So  marked  is  this  movement 
that  the  period  can  properly  be  characterized  as  the 
Renaissance  of  Old  Babylonia.  Its  most  picturesque 
exemplar  is  king  Nabuna'id,  whose  archaeological 
activities  and  his  deep  interest  in  them  have  already 
been  referred  to  and  will  be  described  in  the  follow- 
ing chapter  (sect.  308).  Not  less  manifest  is  the 
same  tendency  in  the  royal  literature,  in  which,  as 
has  been  noted,  not  only  the  literary  style  but  even 
the  forms  of  the  characters  are  modelled  after  the 
inscriptions  of  the  time  of  Khammurabi.  Winckler 
has  said  that  an  inscription  of  Nebuchadrezzar  must 


INDUSTRY  AND  COMMERCE  353 

have  made  an  impression  upon  the  Babylonians  of 
this  period  corresponding  to  what  a  German  of  to- 
day would  feel  in  seeing  a  modern  work  printed  in 
gothic  characters  and  written  in  middle-high-German 
(GBA,  p.  320).  An  interesting  historical  parallel, 
not  without  significance  also,  is  found  in  the  Egypt 
of  the  same  age  which,  under  the  Pharaohs  of  the 
twenty-sixth  dynasty,  reveals  a  return  to  the  past  of 
exactly  similar  character. 

292.  It  remains  for  the  student  of  the  period  to 
indicate  in  this  sphere  of  imitation  of  the  past  the 
distinctive  features  of  the  new  age,  since  no  epoch 
can  precisely  reproduce  the  features  of  one  long  gone 
by.  Of  the  various  occupations  followed,  industry 
and  commerce  seem  to  have  developed  beyond  agri- 
culture. In  the  centuries  of  conflict  in  Babjdonia 
the  farmer  suffered  most  severely,  and  vast  areas  of 
country  were  devastated.  The  Kaldean  kings  sought 
to  remedy  the  difficulty  by  importing  populations  like 
the  Jews,  who  were  settled  in  the  country  and  appear 
to  have  been  put  to  agricultural  labor.  Later,  in  the 
Persian  period,  the  fertility  of  the  land  was  astonish- 
ing to  the  Greek  Herodotus,  and  his  testimony  illus- 
trates the  outcome  of  the  measures  instituted  by 
Nebuchadrezzar  (sect.  7).  But  industrial  pursuits 
and  their  concomitants,  commercial  activities,  the 
seat  of  which  was  in  the  cities  had  grown  enormously 
and  were  zealously  fostered  by  the  rulers.  Of  all 
the  manufactures,  the  carpets,  cottons,  and  linens  of 
Babylon  were  still  the  most  famous  in  the  ancient 
world.  A  development  of  trade  with  the  south  and 
southwest  is  suggested  by  the  building  of  the  city  of 
Teredon  at  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates,  and  by  the 

23 


354  NEW  BABYLONIA 

spice  and  incense  traffic  carrie'd  on  through  the 
Arabian  city  of  Gerrha.  The  undisturbed  posses- 
sion of  the  Euphrates  valley  and  of  the  trade-routes 
to  the  west  gave  impulses  to  larger  commercial 
energy  in  that  direction.  It  is  Nebuchadrezzar 
who  is  doubtless  referred  to  by  Herodotus  under 
the  name  of  Nitocris,  to  whom  is  ascribed  the 
making  of  the  Euphrates  to  wind  about  in  its 
course,  that  thus  its  force  might  be  diminished 
and  its  use  by  the  frail  boats  and  rafts  still  employed 
for  traffic  facilitated.  The  other  improvements  in 
canals  and  in  the  Euphrates  itself,  and  the  building 
of  the  quays,  not  only  at  Babylon  but  also  at  Bag- 
dad and  elsewhere  by  these  kings,  point  to  their 
recognition  of  the  importance  of  trade  and  com- 
merce, which  never  was  so  enormous  as  in  this 
period.  Ezekiel  declares  that  his  people  had  been 
carried  away  into  "a  land  of  traffic"  and  "set  in 
a  city  of  merchants  "  (xvii.  4),  though  he  also  adds 
that  they  were  "planted  in  a  fruitful  soil"  and 
placed  "beside  many  waters"  and  "set  as  a  willow 
tree  "  (ibid.  v.  5). 

293.  The  pre-eminence  of  industrial  life  illustrates 
other  changes  which  had  come  over  Babylonian  so- 
ciety in  this  period.  Social  life,  if  it  had  preserved 
its  ancient  distinctions  of  noble  and  common  man,  was 
permeated  by  the  spirit  of  business.  Even  kings  and 
princes  appear  in  documents  describing  ordinary  busi- 
ness transactions.  NergalsharuQur  borrows  money 
to  buy  a  house.  Belshazzar,  son  of  Nabuna'id,  sells 
wool  and  takes  security  for  the  payment,  as  any  other 
merchant.  Indeed,  it  has  been  thought  that  the  old 
aristocracy  had  practically  disappeared,  and  that  tlie 


THE  BABYLONIAN  GENTLEMAN  355 

merchant  princes  and  ecclesiastical  lords  had  taken 
its  place.  Certain  families,  like  that  of  the  Egibi  at 
Babylon  and  the  Murashu  at  Nippur,  were  prominent 
financiers  and  handed  down  their  talents,  both  mate- 
rial and  intellectual,  through  several  generations. 
Gold  and  silver  w^ere  the  standards  of  value,  and  it 
has  been  calculated  that  the  ratio  between  the  two 
was  from  eleven,  or  twelve,  to  one.  Coinage  had 
improved,  smaller  portions  of  the  precious  metals 
being  stamped  as  five  shekel  and  one  shekel  pieces. 
Interest  varied  from  twenty  per  cent  to  ten  per  cent. 
294.  Accompanying  this  industrial  development 
was  the  transference  of  the  bulk  of  the  population  to 
the  cities,  and  chiefly  to  Babylon.  In  the  capital, 
doubtless,  the  refinement  and  luxury  of  civilized 
society  in  the  ancient  world  reached  its  highest 
point.  Herodotus  has  an  interesting  picture  of  the 
Babylonian  gentleman  of  the  time: 

» 
The  dress  of  the  Babylonians  is  a  linen  tunic  reach- 
ing to  the  feet,  and  above  it  another  tunic  made  in  wool, 
besides  which  they  have  a  short  white  cloak  thrown 
round  them,  and  shoes  of  a  peculiar  fashion,  not  unlike 
those  worn  by  the  Boeotians.  They  have  long  hair, 
wear  turbans  on  their  heads,  and  anoint  their  whole 
body  with  perfumes.  Every  one  carries  a  seal,  and  a 
walking  stick,  carved  at  the  top  into  the  form  of  an 
apple,  a  rose,  a  lily,  an  eagle,  or  something  similar;  for 
it  is  not  their  habit  to  use  a  stick  without  an  ornament 
(Her.,  I.  195). 

To  this  description  may  be  added  that  of  Ezekiel, 
who  pictured  "  the  Chaldeans  portrayed  with  vermil- 
ion, girded  with  girdles  upon  their  loins,  with  dyed 


356  NEW   BABYLONIA 

turbans  upon  their  heads,  all  of  them  princes  to  look 
upon"  (Ezek.  xxiii.  14  f.). 

295.  The  family  life  continued  to  be  the  basis  of 
social  organization.  Few  changes  are  traceable,  and 
these  were  in  the  direction  of  a  higher  standard  of 
morals.  The  practice  of  polygamy  or  concubinage 
appears  to  be  much  restricted,  and  the  custom  of 
marriage  by  purchase  was  practically  done  away  with. 
The  wife  still  brought  her  dowry.  The  position  of 
woman  was  still  as  free  and  as  high  as  before.  The 
strange  statement  of  Herodotus  as  to  the  religious 
prostitution  of  the  Babylonian  women  is,  in  itself, 
incredible,  as  well  as  his  stories  of  the  marriage -market 
(I.  196,  199).  The  contemporaneous  documents  bear 
quite  the  opposite  testimony. 

296.  The  history  of  the  Kaldean  regime  is  a  suffi  • 
cient  illustration  of  the  character  of  the  state  during 
this  period.  It  differed  from  the  earlier  Babylonian 
organization,  chiefly  because  the  Assyrian  Empire  had 
done  its  work.  It  was  more  centralized;  the  king 
was  less  of  a  sacred  personage  and  more  of  a  warrior 
and  administrator.  Yet  there  appears  here  the  return 
to  the  old-time  conception  of  the  ecclesiastical  char- 
acter of  the  ruler,  inseparable  from  a  king  of  Babylon, 
and  in  harmony  with  this  renaissance  spirit.  That 
an  imperial  administration  was  possible  at  all  was 
due  to  the  Assyrian  system  already  in  vogue  in  the 
provinces,  and  to  an  army  which  was  chiefly  composed 
of  mercenaries  gathered  from  the  ends  of  the  earth. 
Tradition  has  preserved  the  name  of  a  certain  Anti- 
menidas,  a  Greek  of  Mitylene,  who  was  a  prominent 
figure  among  the  soldiers  of  Nebuchadrezzar  (Strabo, 
XIII.  2,  3).     The  character  of  the  soldiery  was  not 


LITERARY   DEVELOPMENT  357 

high.  The  impression  made  upon  subject  peoples 
is  illustrated  by  the  testimony  of  the  Hebrew  prophets. 
Habakkuk  declares,  "Their  horses  also  are  swifter 
than  leopards,  and  are  more  tierce  than  the  evening 
wolves ;  and  their  horsemen  spread  themselves :  yea, 
their  horsemen  come  from  far;  they  fly  as  an  eagle 
that  hasteth  to  devour.  They  come  all  of  them  for 
violence ;  their  faces  are  set  eagerly  as  the  east  wind ; 
and  they  gather  captives  as  the  sand  "  (Hab.  i.  8,  9). 
297.  The  glory  of  Babylonia,  however,  was  in  the 
arts  of  peace,  and  this  age  was  not  behind  in  the  cul- 
tivation of  science,  aesthetics,  and  literature.  But 
there  is  no  evidence  that,  in  this  direction  more  than 
in  others,  was  there  any  endeavor  to  outdo  the  past. 
The  literary  art  showed,  perhaps,  greater  elaboration 
of  details,  but  there  was  no  new  thought.  Its  quality 
and  influence  are  best  estimated  by  the  example  of 
the  one  people  of  genius  that  breathed  its  atmosphere. 
Hebrew  literature,  of  the  exile  and  after,  is  in  form 
separated  by  a  great  gulf  from  that  of  the  earlier 
period.  The  peculiarities  of  the  style  of  Ezekiel 
and  of  Zechariah  —  the  artificiality  of  form  and  the 
grotesqueness  of  conception  —  are  Babylonian.  But 
the  mechanical  correctness  of  these  writers  becomes 
harmony  and  unity  of  presentation  in  such  a  literary 
artist  as  the  author  of  the  second  part  of  Isaiah. 
"His  discourse,  serene,  affluent,  and  glowing,  is  an 
image  of  a  Babylonian  landscape.  As  it  unrolls  itself, 
we  think  of  fields  and  gardens  and  stately  palms 
and  bending  v/illows  and  gently  flowing  streams, 
stretching  away  over  an  ample  plain,  and  all  standing 
out  clear  in  the  light  of  a  cloudless  sky  "  (McCurdy, 
HPM,  III.  p.  420).     For  a  fuller  knowledge  of  the 


358  NEW  BABYLONIA 

contribution  of  the  Kaldean  period  to  the  artistic 
development  it  will  be  necessary  to  await  further 
excavation  on  the  site  of  Babylon ;  but  already  it  is 
known  that  the  special  type  of  artistic  adornment  in 
the  Kaldean  palaces  was  the  wall  decorated  in  colors. 
Bricks  enamelled  in  colors  are  among  the  commonest 
articles  picked  up  on  the  mounds  of  Babylon.  It 
is  the  walls  of  Nebuchadrezzar's  palace  to  which 
Diodorus  refers  in  speaking  of  "  every  kind  of  aninial 
imitated  according  to  all  the  rules  of  art  both  as  to 
form  and  color;  the  whole  represented  the  chase  of 
various  animals,  the  latter  being  more  than  four 
cubits  high  —  in  the  middle  Semiramis  on  horseback 
letting  fly  an  arrow  against  a  panther,  and  on  one 
side  her  husband  Ninus  at  close  quarters  with  a  lion  " 
(Diod.,  II.  8,  6).  This  description  is  confirmed  by 
the  recent  discovery  of  the  throne-room  of  the  palace 
with  beautifully  colored  decorations  of  this  character, 
which  took  the  place  of  the  bas-reliefs  of  Ninevite 
kings. 

298.  In  the  sphere  of  religion  the  Kaldean  period 
was  most  active,  and  yet  most  characteristically  con- 
servative. It  was  the  brief  Indian  summer  of  the 
faith,  cherished  through  so  many  centuries  in  the 
temples  by  successive  generations  of  zealous  priests 
and  devout  worshippers.  Ancient  cults  were  revived  ; 
ruined  shrines  restored;  old  endowments  renewed. 
Yet  the  ideas  of  the  gods  and  of  their  place  and  pre- 
rogatives in  the  pantheon  had  changed  but  slightly. 
Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  preference  of 
the  kings  for  Marduk  and  Nabu  (sect.  284),  and  of 
the  approach  to  monotheism  and  spirituality  which 
appears  in  the  prayers  of  Nebuchadrezzar.    Nabuna'id, 


MORALS  AND  RELIGION  359 

it  is  thought,  sought  to  raise  Shamash,  the  sun-god, 
to  the  level  of  Marduk  and  Nabu,  but  the  attempt 
only  cost  him  the  enmity  of  the  priests  of  the  capital. 
Everywhere  priestly  control  made  the  cult  the 
dominant  element  in  the  religion;  its  materialistic 
features,  its  demonology,  its  incantation  ceremonials, 
and  its  astrology  continued  to  be  the  popular  ele- 
ments. The  condition  of  morals  was  fluctuating, 
affected,  it  is  true,  by  noble  expressions  of  faith  and 
devotion  such  as  are  found  in  the  hymns  and  prayers, 
but  elevated  and  maintained  at  a  worthy  standard  far 
more  by  the  secular  activities  of  business.  True,  it 
^vas  a  commercial  and  mercantile  morality,  but  a 
striking  testimony  is  borne  to  it  by  a  later  writer 
who  mentions,  among  the  other  virtues  of  the  Baby- 
lonians, their  imperturbability  and  their  straightfor- 
wardness (Nic.  of  Damascus,  Fr.  131),  characteristics 
of  which  the  Stoics  were  proud.  The  influence  of 
the  religion  upon  outside  peoples  was,  however,  never 
as  potent  as  in  this  period.  The  international  life  of 
east  and  west,  now  so  close  and  reciprocal,  afforded 
the  most  favorable  opportunity  for  the  extension  of 
the  profound  cosmological  and  theological  ideas 
which,  in  strange  and  often  grotesque  forms,  had 
been  wrought  out  on  Babylonian  soil.  The  fertile 
and  inquiring  Greek  mind  was  now  brought  within 
close  range,  and  the  reports  of  eastern  travellers 
stimulated  the  curiosity  and  the  thoughts  of  the 
philosophers.  The  Jews,  too,  drank  in  the  teach- 
ings. "The  finishing  touches  to  the  structure  of 
Judaism  —  given  on  Babylonian  soil  —  reveal  the 
Babylonian  trade-mark.  Ezekiel,  in  many  respects 
the  most  characteristic  Jewish  figure  of  the  exile,  is 


360  NEW  BABYLONIA 

steeped  in  Babylonian  theology  and  mysticism ;  and 
the  profound  influence  of  Ezekiel  is  recognized  by 
modern  scholarship  in  the  religious  spirit  that  char- 
acterizes the  Jews  upon  the  reorganization  of  their 
commonwealth  "  (Jastrow,  RBA,  pp.  696  f.). 

299.  This  splendid  renaissance  of  the  past,  which 
is  the  achievement  of  the  Kaldi  for  Babylonia,  has 
its  shining  example  and  supreme  symbol  in  the  city 
of  Babylon.  The  devotion  of  the  great  Nebuchad- 
rezzar to  his  capital  has  already  been  indicated  (sect. 
284).  To  present,  however  imperfectly,  a  general 
picture  of  the  city  as  it  came  from  the  hands  of  its 
Kaldean  rulers  is  a  service  due  to  their  memory. 
At  the  same  time  this  supreme  interest  is  the 
best  illustration  of  the  limitations  as  well  as  the 
height  of  their  ideals.  It  is  possible  at  present,  with 
some  certainty,  to  connect  at  least  two  of  the  three 
great  mounds  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  city,  now 
called  Babel,  Kasr,  and  Amran,  with  the  special 
structures,  palaces,  temple,  and  gardens  which  are 
ascribed  to  Nebuchadrezzar,  even  if  the  many  other 
ruin-heaps  in  the  vicinity  cannot  be  identified.  The 
many  royal  inscriptions  of  the  Kaldi  and  the  de- 
scriptions of  the  Greek  writers  permit  a  sketch  of 
the  Babylon  of  that  day.  The  city  proper,  the 
nucleus  and  heart  of  it,  was  that  which  lay  along  the 
east  bank  of  the  Euphrates  and  within  the  inner  wall 
called  Imgur  Bel,  which  stretched  in  a  kind  of  half- 
circle  out  from  the  river.  The  chief  buildings  within 
this  wall  were  the  temple  and  the  palace.  Around 
this  inner  wall  there  ran  a  second  wall  called  Ne- 
mitti  Bel,  roughly  parallel  to  it  and  at  a  considerable 
distance  from   it,    constituting   the   defence   of  the 


THE  ZIGGURAT  OF  BABYLON  361 

larger  city.  Its  circumference,  including  the  river 
front,  was  about  eight  miles.  Each  of  these  walls 
had  its  moat.  Though  of  about  the  same  size  as 
Nineveh  (sect.  231),  Babylon  was  much  more  thickly 
populated,  the  houses  being  three  and  four  stories  in 
height.  The  streets  of  the  city  ran  at  right  angles, 
and  all  the  spaces  about  the  temple  and  between  the 
walls  were  probably  occupied  with  private  houses  or 
buildings  for  business. 

300.  The  temple,  the  centre  of  the  inner  city, 
consisted  of  a  complex  of  structures,  situated  upon 
its  elevated  platform  and  surrounded  by  its  own  wall. 
Most  conspicuous  was  the  ziggurat,  or  temple -tower 
of  seven  stages,  which  the  king  rebuilt.  Of  this 
Herodotus  says:  "The  ascent  to  the  top  is  on  the 
outside  by  a  path  which  winds  round  all  the  towers 
(stages).  When  one  is  about  half-way  up,  one  finds 
a  resting-place  and  seats  where  persons  are  wont  to 
sit  some  time  on  their  way  to  the  summit.  On  the 
topmost  tower  (stage)  there  is  a  spacious  temple,  and 
inside  the  temple  stands  a  couch  of  unusual  size  richly 
adorned  with  a  golden  table  by  its  side.  There  is 
no  statue  of  any  kind  set  up  in  the  place."  Beside 
the  tower  was  the  shrine  of  the  god  Marduk,  E-kua, 
a  magnificent  structure  whose  walls  glistened  with 
gold,  precious  stones,  and  alabaster,  and  whose  roof 
was  of  fragrant  cedar  of  Lebanon.  At  the  entrance 
was  the  shrine  of  the  goddess,  his  spouse,  and  else- 
where were  the  sanctuaries  of  Nabu  and  other  deities. 
Of  another  sacred  chamber  Nebuchadrezzar  records 
that: 

The  shrine  of  the  Fates,  where,  on  Zagmuku,  the 
beginning  of  the  year,  on  the  eighth  and  the  eleventh 


362  NEW  BABYLONIA 

day,  the  king,  the  god  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  lord  of 
heaven,  takes  up  his  residence,  where  the  gods  of  heaven 
and  earth  reverently  pay  obedience  and  stand  bowed 
down  before  him;  a  fate  of  a  far-distant  day,  as  the 
fate  of  my  life,  they  determine  therein :  that  shrine,  the 
shrine  of  royalty,  the  shrine  of  lordly  power,  belonging 
to  the  leader  of  the  gods,  the  Prince  Marduk,  which  a 
former  king  had  constructed  with  silver,  I  decorated  with 
shining  gold  and  brilliant  ornaments  (EIFI,  II.  54  ff). 

From  the  door  of  the  temple  a  passage  led  to  the  sacred 
street,  A-ibur-shabu,  along  which  the  sacred  ships  of 
the  gods  were  wont  to  be  borne  on  festal  days,  while 
by  the  temple's  side  the  sacred  canal  ran  from  the 
Euphrates  eastward,  bringing  water  for  sacred  uses. 

301.  To  the  north  lay  the  palace  between  the  canal 
and  the  inner  wall.  Built  or  renewed  by  Nabu- 
palu9ur,  it  had  fallen  into  decay  and  had  to  be  re- 
paired by  his  son.  For  so  great  a  king,  however,  it 
had  become  too  small.  Yet  it  could  not  be  enlarged 
without  encroaching  on  the  sacred  domains  of  the 
god.  Nebuchadrezzar  restored  it,  therefore,  exactly 
after  the  old  dimensions,  but  across  the  inner  wall, 
either  to  the  north  or  east,  within  the  outer  wall,  he 
cleared  a  space,  and  within  fifteen  days  the  turrets  of 
a  splendid  palace  appeared,  uniting  the  two  walls  and 
making,  with  its  own  intersecting  battlements,  a  cita- 
del which  protected  alike  the  outer  and  the  inner  city. 
Upon  the  furnishing  of  this  palace  were  lavished  all  the 
resources  of  his  empire.  Cedar,  cypress,  palm,  and 
other  costly  woods,  gold,  silver,  bronze,  copper,  and 
precious  stones,  brick  and  marble  from  the  distant 
mountains,  were  employed  in  its  construction  and 
adornment. 


OUTER  DEFENCES  OV  BABYLON  3G3 

802.  This  palace,  which  was  also  a  citadel,  was 
but  one  of  the  many  defences  which  were  devised  for 
the  city's  security.  The  inner  and  outer  walls  were 
raised  and  strengthened.  Most  imposing  of  all  was 
the  system  of  fortifications  placed  by  Nebuchadrezzar 
quite  outside  of  the  walls  already  described.  It  con- 
sisted of  a  combination  of  earthworks  and  water-ways. 
A  wall  was  built  of  colossal  dimensions,  four  thousand 
cubits  (one  and  one  half  miles  ?)  east  of  Nemitti-Bel. 
The  extremities  were  connected  with  canals  or 
earthworks  which  reached  to  the  Euphrates ;  it  was 
itself  protected  by  a  fortified  moat.  This  was  the 
mighty  work  which  astonished  Herodotus.  He  gave 
its  height  as  somewhat  more  than  three  hundred  and 
seventy  feet,  and  its  width  more  than  ninety  feet. 
The  summit  was  lined  with  battlements  and  guard 
chambers,  between  which  on  either  side  a  space  was 
left  sufficient  for  a  four-horse  chariot  to  turn.  The 
wall  was  pierced  by  an  hundred  brazen  gates  (Her., 
I.  178  ff.). 

303.  Adornment  and  practical  utility  as  well  as 
defence  were  in  the  mind  of  Nebuchadrezzar  when 
he  put  his  hand  to  the  rebuilding  of  Babylon.  He 
dug  again  the  sacred  canal  and  lined  it  with  brick ; 
he  raised  the  sacred  street,  carrying  it  by  a  bridge 
over  the  canal  and  lifting  higher  the  gates  of  the  two 
city  walls  at  the  point  where  it  passed  through  them. 
He  built  up  the  bank  of  the  Euphrates  with  bricks, 
making  splendid  quays,  which  still  exist,  walled  them 
in  and  opened  gates  at  the  points  where  the  city 
streets  came  down  to  the  water's  edge.  Later  his- 
torians dwell  on  his  magnificent  hanging  gardens, 
which  rose  somewhere  near  his  palaces;   they  were 


3G4  NEW  BABYLONIA 

built  in  lofty  terraces  to  solace  his  Median  queen  for 
the  absence  of  her  beloved  mountains.  Across  the 
river,  in  the  twin  city  of  Borsippa,  he  rebuilt  the  city 
wall  and  restored  the  temple  tower  of  the  god  Nabu, 
son  of  Marduk.  In  time  the  two  cities  became  more 
and.  more  united.  It  is  this  double  city  which  seems 
to  be  in  the  mind  of  Herodotus  when  he  describes 
Babylon  as  a  great  square  about  fourteen  miles  on 
each  side,  the  walls  making  a  circuit  of  fifty-six  miles 
and  enclosing  an  area  of  two  hundred  square  miles. 
While  the  Babylon  of  the  Kaldi  was  much  smaller 
than  this,  their  devotion  to  it  manifested  itself  in 
these  initial  works  that  in  course  of  time  produced 
the  larger  and  more  famous  city.  Already  it  con- 
tained at  least  two  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world, 
and  its  beauty  and  wealth  made  it  for  a  long  time 
thereafter  the  chief  centre  of  the  east.  "  From  Nebu- 
chadrezzar to  the  Mongol  invasion  "  it  was  well-nigh 
"the  greatest  commercial  city  of  the  world." 

304.  For  Babylon  remained,  after  the  wreck  of  the 
Semitic  domination  of  the  East,  as  glorious  as  before 
and  as  imperious  in  the  realm  of  commerce  and  of 
culture.  She  had  succeeded  to  the  varying  and  petty 
local  powers  that,  in  the  beginnings  of  history,  strug- 
gled with  one  another  for  a  transient  pre-eminence. 
She  had  laid,  there  and  then,  the  foundations  of  the 
state  which  had  endured  for  millenniums.  She  had 
outlasted  the  empire  on  the  Tigris.  She  had  been  the 
despair  of  the  statesmen  of  Assyria,  and  a  decisive 
element  in  the  downfall  of  that  monarchy.  She  had 
been  the  pride  of  the  Kaldean  monarchs,  and  was  at 
last  the  grave  of  their  glory.  She  had  given  to  the 
ancient  world  its  laws,  its  literature,  its  religion.     In 


PRE-EMINENCE   OF  BABYLON  365 

the  words  of  Professor  Rawlinson:  "Hers  was  ap- 
parently the  genius  which  excogitated  an  alphabet; 
worked  out  the  simpler  problems  of  arithmetic;  in- 
vented implements  for  measuring  the  lapse  of  time; 
conceived  the  idea  of  raising  enormous  structures 
with  the  poorest  of  all  materials,  clay;  discovered 
the  art  of  polishing,  boring,  and  engraving  gems; 
reproduced  with  truthfulness  the  outlines  of  human 
and  animal  forms;  attained  to  high  perfection  in 
textile  fabrics;  studied  with  success  the  motions  of 
the  heavenly  bodies;  conceived  of  grammar  as  a 
science;  elaborated  a  system  of  law;  saw  the  value 
of  an  exact  chronology ;  —  in  almost  every  branch  of 
science  made  a  beginning,  thus  rendering  it  com- 
paratively easy  for  other  nations  to  proceed  with  the 
superstructure.  ...  It  was  from  the  east,  not  from 
Egypt,  that  Greece  derived  her  architecture,  her 
sculpture,  her  science,  her  philosophy,  her  mathe- 
matical knowledge,  in  a  word,  her  intellectual  life. 
And  Babylon  was  the  source  to  which  the  entire 
stream  of  eastern  civilization  may  be  traced.  It  is 
scarcely  too  much  to  say  that,  but  for  Babylon,  real 
civilization  might  not  even  yet  have  dawned  upon 
the  earth"  (Gt.  Mon.,  III.  pp.  75  f.). 

305.  Upon  the  people  of  Israel,  too,  Babylon  left 
her  mark.  Though  mistress  of  their  state  and  its 
destroyer,  she  could  not  rule  their  spirits.  Their 
prophets  looked  forward  to  her  fall  and  rejoiced. 
To  them,  the  image  of  all  material  prosperity,  she  was 
set  over  against  that  higher  ideal  of  victorious  suffer- 
ing, of  spiritual  achievement,  the  triumph  of  which 
in  their  vision  was  sure.  Thus  pictured  by  them, 
Babylon  has  lived  on  in  the  imagination  of  Christen- 


366  KEW  BABYLONIA 

dom  as  the  supreme  symbol  of  the  rich,  the  cruel,  the 
lustful,  the  enemy  of  saints,  the  Antichrist,  destined 
to  destruction.  Who  shall  say  that,  thus  seeing, 
these  prophets  did  not  behold  clearly  the  vital  weak- 
ness of  that  ancient  civilization  in  her,  its  embodi- 
ment? With  all  her  glory  Babylon  was  of  the  earth 
and  is  fallen ;  Jerusalem,  which  is  from  above,  abideth 
forever. 


IV 

THE  FALL  OF  BABYLON 

806.  The  conspiracy  which  placed  Nabuna'id  upon 
the  throne  (555-539  b.  c.)  seems  to  have  involved 
a  transfer  of  emphasis  in  the  politics  of  the  state. 
Nabuna'id  was  not  a  Kaldean  but  a  Babylonian  noble, 
son  of  a  prince,  Nabu-balatsu-iqbi.  In  his  long  stele 
inscription,  to  which  reference  has  already  been  made 
(sect.  288),  he  declares  his  purpose  to  conduct  affairs 
after  the  example  of  Nebuchadrezzar  and  Nabupal- 
UQur.  In  fact,  his  rather  numerous  inscriptions 
present  him  not  only  as  a  devout  worshipper  of  the 
gods  and  a  restorer  of  temples,  but  also  as  a  vigorous 
and  zealous  defender  of  the  imperial  authority.  The 
empire  stood  intact  within  its  old  limits  when  he 
came  into  possession  of  it,  and  in  the  first  years  of 
his  reign  he  paid  no  little  attention  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  his  authority  in  the  west.  In  the  badly 
broken  first  column  of  his  so-called  Annals,  references 
made  to  Hamath  and  the  mountains  of  Amanus, 
in  connection  with  military  movements,  indicate  that 
he  was  active  in  Syria,  and  fragments  of  Menander 
suggest  that  in  his  reign  dynastic  troubles  in  Tyre 
led  to  his  setting,  first,  Merbaal  (555-552  b.  c),  and 
then  Hirom  III.  (551-532  b.  c),  both  hostages  at 
his  court,  upon  the  Tyrian  throne.  The  impulse  to 
these  western  expeditions  may  have  been  given  by  the 


368  NEW  BABYLONIA 

new  relations  to  the  Manda  (Medes)  which  the  last 
years  had  induced,  and  which  may  now  be  described 
in  some  detail. 

307.  During  the  lifetime  of  Nebuchadrezzar  the 
alliance  with  the  Manda  (Medes)  had  remained  firm, 
although  to  Cyaxares  had  succeeded  (about  584  b.  c.) 
his  son  Ishtuvegu  (Astyages).  The  rapid  changes 
which  followed  upon  the  death  of  the  great  Kaldean 
monarch,  and  particularly  the  transference  of  the 
succession  from  the  Kaldean  to  the  Babylonian  line, 
in  the  person  of  Nabuna'id,  seem  to  have  been  the 
occasion  of  estrangement  between  the  two  peoples. 
Nabuna'id  asserts  that  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign 
the  Manda  had  been  in  possession  of  northern  Meso- 
potamia and  were  encamped  about  Haran.  But  one 
of  those  sudden  reversals  of  supremacy  not  uncom- 
mon in  the  beginnings  of  great  empires  had  taken 
place  in  Media.  Among  the  communities  that  ac- 
knowledged the  sway  of  Astyages  was  the  province 
of  Anshan  in  northern  Elam,  occupied  by  the  Per- 
sians under  their  hereditary  chieftains  of  the  house  of 
Teispes.  The  king  of  Anshan  during  these  years, 
a  certain  Cyrus,  raised  a  rebellion  against  his  suzerain 
(about  553  b.  c.)  which  resulted  in  the  downfall  of 
Astyages  and  the  supremacy  of  Cyrus  and  the  Per- 
sians (550  b.  c).  During  these  troubles  the  move- 
ment of  Astyages  against  Babylonia  was  given  up, 
and  Nabuna'id  reports  that  by  553  B.  c.  there  were  no 
Manda  about  Haran.  He  also  dwells  with  satisfaction 
upon  the  overthrow  of  Astyages  by  Cyrus,  king  of 
Anshan,  as  a  divine  intervention  in  his  own  favor. 
The  way  was  open  for  him  to  send  an  expedition  not 
only  to  Haran  to  rebuild  the  temple  there,  but  to 


NABUNA'IiyS  AtlCil^LOLOGICAL  WORK  369 

advance  farther  into  the  west.  He  was  doubtless 
gratified  that  inner  troubles  were  breaking  up  the 
Median  Empire,  as  had  so  often  been  the  case  among 
the  loose  agglomerations  of  peoples  in  the  northern 
mountains,  and  he  felt  that  henceforth  neither  their 
friendship  nor  their  enmity  was  particularly  signifi- 
cant, little  dreaming  that  within  two  decades  the 
young  conqueror  would  be  knocking  at  his  own  gates. 
The  career  of  Cyrus  is  one  of  the  marvels  of  antiq- 
uity. His  victory  over  his  Median  suzerain  was  not 
merely  the  substitution  of  one  dynasty  for  another, 
nor  was  it  followed  by  internecine  wars  in  which  the 
fresh  and  vigorous  peoples  of  the  north  were  crip- 
pled. With  consummate  statesmanship  the  young 
king  united  all  elements,  inspired  them  with  a  com- 
mon spirit,  and  out  of  a  kingdom  in  which  tribes  and 
peoples  had  been  joined  in  loose  confederation  about 
a  common  overlord,  he  built  the  solid  foundations  of 
the  Medo-Persian  Empire. 

308.  The  immunity  from  hostile  complications 
with  the  Medes,  enjoyed  by  Nabuna'id  during  the 
years  that  followed,  he  improved  by  pursuing  those 
works  of  peace  in  which  his  prototype  Nebuchadrez- 
zar had  gained  such  renown.  With  the  details  of 
such  building  operations  his  inscriptions  are  filled. 
The  peculiar  delight  which  they  represent  him  as  feel- 
ing in  these  works  and  the  unique  method  which  he 
adopted  in  the  prosecution  of  them  have  led  scholars 
to  regard  him  as  a  political  weakling,  a  cultured 
dilettante,  an  archaeological  virtuoso,  to  whom  the 
discovery  of  an  ancient  foundation  stone  was  more 
significant  than  the  conduct  of  the  state  or  the 
defence   of    the    empire.      Further    knowledge  has 

24 


370  Kew  babylonia 

proved  the  accusation  unjust,  although  the  facts  on 
which  it  was  based  are  evident  enough.  In  his  zeal 
for  the  reconstruction  of  temples  he  was  not  satisfied 
with  clearing  off  the  superficial  rubbish  of  the  mound, 
but  must  dig  down  through  the  successive  layers  of 
ruins,  until  the  original  foundation  had  been  reached 
and  the  inscription  of  the  first  builder  had  been  un- 
covered. Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the 
value  of  the  data  which  he  thus  published  (sect.  40) 
for  the  construction  of  a  Bab3donian  chronology.  A 
passage  may  be  here  given  from  an  inscription,  illus- 
trative at  once  of  his  devout  piety  and  his  archaeo- 
logical perseverance  and  of  its  scientific  value  for 
modern  scholars: 

For  Shamash,  the  judge  of  heaven  and  earth,  E-bab- 
bara,  his  temple  which  is  in  Sippar,  which  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, a  former  king,  had  rebuilt,  after  searching  for  its 
platform-foundation  without  finding  it  —  that  house  he 
rebuilt,  but  in  forty-five  years  its  walls  had  fallen  in. 
I  became  anxious  and  humble ;  I  was  alarmed  and  much 
troubled.  When  I  had  brought  out  Shamash  from  within 
it  and  made  him  take  residence  in  another  house,  I  pulled 
that  house  down  and  made  search  for  its  old  platform- 
foundation  ;  and  I  dug  to  a  depth  of  eighteen  cubits,  and 
Shamash,  the  great  lord  of  E-babbara,  the  temple,  the 
dwelling  well  pleasing  to  him,  permitted  me  to  behold 
the  platform-foundation  of  Naram  Sin,  the  son  of  Sargon, 
which  during  a  period  of  thirty-two  hundred  years  no 
king  among  my  predecessors  had  seen.  In  the  month 
Tishrit,  in  a  favorable  month,  on  an  auspicious  day,  re- 
vealed to  me  by  Shamash  and  Adad  in  a  vision,  with 
silver,  gold,  costly  and  precious  stones,  products  of  the 
forest,  sweet-smelling  cedars,  amid  joy  and  rejoicing,  I 
raised  its  brick-work  —  not  an  inch  inward  or  outWard  — 


DIFFICULTIES  OF  NABUNA'ID  371 

upon  the  platform -foundation  of  Naram  Sin,  the  son  of 
Sargon.  I  laid  in  rows  five  thousand  large  cedars  for  its 
roof;  I  set  up  in  its  doorways  high  doors  of  cedar.  .  .  . 
I  took  the  hands  of  Shamash,  my  lord,  and  with  joy  and 
rejoicing  I  made  him  take  up  a  residence  therein  well 
pleasing  to  him.  I  found  the  inscription  written  in  the 
name  of  Naram  Sin,  the  son  of  Sargon,  and  I  did  not 
alter  it.  I  anointed  it  with  oil,  offered  sacrifices,  placed 
it  with  my  inscription,  and  restored  it  to  its  place 
(Nab.  Cyl.  II.  47  ff.). 

He  claims  thus  to  have  reconstructed,  besides  this 
temple  of  Shamash  in  Sippar,  that  of  Anunit,  also  in 
Sippar,  that  of  Sin  in  Haran,  the  temple  E-ul-bar  in 
Agade,  the  tower  and  other  shrines  in  Ur  and  the 
Shamash  temple  at  Larsam. 

309.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  in  a  hot-bed 
of  intrigue  such  as  Babylon  was  at  this  time,  the 
various  activities  of  Nabuna'id  were  pursued  with 
a  successful  harmonization  of  all  factions.  With 
Nebuchadrezzar  as  example,  he  sought  to  maintain 
the  empire,  while  at  the  same  time  he  honored  the 
gods ;  but  in  both  respects  he  appears  to  have  failed. 
He  called  himself  "patron  of  Esagila  and  Ezida," 
temples  of  Marduk  and  Nabu  in  Babylon  and  Bor- 
sippa;  he  gave  rich  gifts  to  these  deities;  yet  his 
rearing  of  temples  to  other  gods,  and  especially  the 
attention  paid  to  Shamash,  the  sun-god,  are  thought 
to  have  arrayed  against  him  the  priests  of  Babylon, 
as  though  he  were  planning  to  put  that  deity  in  the 
place  of  pre-eminence  given  by  Nebuchadrezzar  to 
Marduk  and  Nabu.  Nor  may  his  hardly  concealed 
satisfaction  at  the  victory  of  Cyrus  over  Astyages 
have  pleased  those  who  remembered  Nebuchadrezzar's 


372  NEW  BABYLONIA 

alliance  with  Media.  He  certainly  left  the  conqueror 
unmolested,  if  indeed,  as  some  think,  he  did  not  give 
him  aid  in  his  rebellion,  —  a  policy  which,  however 
shrewd,  was  not  acceptable  to  the  Kaldeans.  Thus 
difficulties  were  inevitable.  A  hint  of  the  situation 
is  given  in  the  Annals,  where,  beginning  with  the 
seventh  year  of  the  king  (549  b.  c),  it  is  said  that 
he  "was  in  Tema;  the  son  of  the  king,  the  nobles 
and  his  soldiers  in  Akkad.  (The  king  for  Nisan) 
did  not  come  to  Babylon.  Nabu  did  not  come  to 
Babylon;  Bel  was  not  brought  forth."  In  other 
words,  the  usual  yearly  ceremonial,  by  which  a  king 
renewed  his  royal  authority  in  "  taking  the  hands  of 
Bel"  in  Babylon,  did  not  take  place.  The  same 
omission  is  chronicled  in  effect  for  the  eighth,  ninth, 
tenth,  and  eleventh  years  (548-545  B.C.),  and  may 
have  continued,  though  the  breaking  of  the  Annals 
at  this  point  permits  no  positive  statement.  It  is 
difficult  to  understand  how  he  could  have  maintained 
himself  as  king,  if  this  retirement  to  Tema  and  the 
omission  of  an  indispensable  ceremonial  had  been 
due  to  his  own  carelessness  regarding  affairs  of  state 
and  his  absorption  in  his  temples  and  books.  The 
facts  are  more  satisfactorily  interpreted  by  supposing 
that,  with  his  seventh  year,  on  account  of  universal 
dissatisfaction  he  was  forced  into  retirement,  and  the 
conduct  of  affairs  assumed  by  his  son,  Bel-shar-u^ur 
(Belshazzar),  with  whom  began  more  active  measures 
towards  protecting  the  state  from  its  Medo-Persian 
neighbors. 

310.  The  consequences  of  this  change  of  attitude 
towards  Cyrus  soon  became  apparent.  In  the  year 
547  B.  c.  he  appeared  with  his  army  at  the   Tigris 


THE  QUADRUPLE  ALLIANCE  373 

below  Arbela,  and  seems  to  have  taken  possession  of 
a  border  state,  so  that  now  the  troops  garrisoning  the 
frontier  cities  of  the  Medo-Persian  and  Babylonian 
empires  stood  face  to  face.  The  conflict  seemed 
imminent;  but  affairs  in  another  quarter  of  the  king- 
dom demanded  the  presence  and  activity  of  Cyrus, 
and  a  few  years  intervened  before  the  final  struggle 
took  place. 

311.  The  extraordinary  success  of  Cyrus  alarmed 
all  the  older  states  of  the  oriental  world,  and  they 
bestirred  themselves  to  resist  his  progress.  The 
initiative  was  taken  apparently  by  Lydia,  which, 
under  its  king,  Croesus,  was  now  the  great  power 
of  Asia  Minor.  Both  commerce  and  culture  had 
brought  that  state  into  close  association  with  the 
Greek  cities  as  well  as  with  Egypt  and  Babylonia. 
The  advent  of  the  new  and  aggressive  Persian  power 
was  disturbing  to  all  parties  alike.  Accordingly,  a 
quadruple  alliance  w\as  formed  by  Croesus  of  Lydia, 
Amasis  of  Egypt,  Sparta,  as  leader  of  the  Greek 
states,  and  the  war  party  now  in  power  at  Babylon, 
with  the  evident  purpose  of  putting  a  stop  to  the 
advance  of  Cyrus  (about  547  b.  c).  He  accepted 
the  challenge  and  marched  westward  against  the 
most  formidable  and  aggressive  of  his  opponents,  the 
king  of  Lydia,  before  the  troops  of  the  other  leaguers 
could  join  with  him.  Croesus,  nothing  loath,  crossed 
the  Halys  in  546  b.  c,  but  was  beaten  and  lost  his 
kingdom  the  next  year  (545  b.  c). 

812.  Babylon's  time  of  trial  was  now  at  hand. 
Unfortunately  the  beginning  of  the  advance  of  Cyrus 
into  the  Mesopotamian  valley  and  the  details  of  the 
earlier  years  of  the  struggle,  as  well  as  the  ebb  and 


374  NEW  BABYLONIA 

flow  of  party  strife  at  Babylon  are  quite  unknown, 
a  gap  occurring  in  the  Annals  at  this  point.  The 
inscription  becomes  again  intelligible  with  the  seven- 
teenth and  last  year  of  Nabuna'id  (739  B.  c.)-  The 
Babylonian  king  is  now  in  the  capital,  and  the  usual 
religious  ceremonials  are  performed.  Cyrus  is  on  the 
northeastern  frontier.  Has  Nabuna'id  been  released 
from  his  confinement  at  Tema  in  consequence  of  the 
breaking  down  of  the  plans  of  his  enemies  ?  However 
that  may  be,  he  has  gathered  into  Babylon  the  images 
of  the  gods  from  the  length  and  breadth  of  Akkad, 
excepting  those  of  Borsippa,  Kutha,  and  Sippar, 
with  a  view  either  to  their  protection  or  to  the  aid 
they  may  supply  to  the  capital.  The  action  was 
ill-timed  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  priests  of 
Marduk,  Babylon's  city  god,  whose  prerogative  and 
power  were  thus  underestimated  or  even  dishonored. 
Cyrus's  attack  upon  the  great  system  of  defences  was 
made  at  Upi  (Opis),  at  the  junction  of  the  Tigris 
and  the  Turnat,  where  he  broke  through  and  stood 
on  Babylonian  soil  in  October,  639  B.  c.  Belshazzar 
and  his  army  were  beaten  back.  Nabuna'id  sought 
in  vain  to  organize  the  people  for  defence.  Sippar 
was  taken  early  in  October,  and  the  king  fled  to 
Babylon,  closely  pursued  by  a  detachment  of  the 
Persians  under  Gubaru  (Gobryas).  It  might  well  be 
thought  that  the  broad  and  lofty  walls  of  the  capital 
would  long  withstand  the  assaults  of  an  enemy;  the 
narrative  of  Herodotus  (I.  190,  191)  tells  how,  after 
a  tedious  siege,  Cyrus,  in  despair,  set  about  divert- 
ing the  main  channel  of  the  Euphrates  and  by  march- 
ing his  troops  into  the  city  through  the  river  gates, 
thus  laid  open,  took  the  defenders  by  surprise  and 


THE  BETRAYAL  OF  BABYLON        375 

captured  the  city.  Nothing,  however,  could  be  farther 
from  the  actual  event.  Gubaru  found  friends  within 
the  walls  who  opened  the  gates  soon  after  his  arrival ; 
Babylon  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians  without 
a  struggle.  So  deeply  had  the  feuds  of  parties, 
ecclesiastical  and  political,  eaten  into  the  body  poli- 
tic that  the  capital  was  betrayed  by  its  own  citizens. 
The  so-called  Cyrus  cylinder  has  perpetuated  the 
memory  of  this  infamy.  There,  in  words  written 
under  the  hand  of  Babylonian  priests,  it  is  said  that 
Marduk,  in  wrath  at  the  loss  of  his  prerogative  and 
the  complaints  of  his  servants,  not  only  abandoned 
the  city,  but  — 

He  searched  through  all  lands;  he  saw  him,  and  he 
sought  the  righteous  prince,  after  his  own  heart,  whom 
he  took  by  the  hand.  Cyrus,  king  of  Anshan,  he  called 
by  name;  to  sovereignty  over  the  whole  world  he  ap- 
pointed him.  ,  .  .  Marduk,  the  great  lord,  guardian  of 
his  people,  looked  with  joy  on  his  pious  works  and  his 
upright  heart;  he  commanded  him  to  go  to  his  city 
Babylon,  and  he  caused  him  to  take  the  road  to  Babylon, 
going  by  his  side  as  a  friend  and  companion  ,  .  .  with- 
out skirmish  or  battle  he  permitted  him  to  enter  Baby- 
lon. He  spared  his  city  Babylon  in  (its)  calamity. 
Kabonidus,  the  king,  who  did  not  reverence  him,  he 
delivered  into  his  hand.  All  the  people  of  Babylon,  all 
Shumer  and  Akkad,  nobles  and  governors,  prostrated 
themselves  before  him,  kissed  his  feet,  rejoiced  at  his 
sovereignty,  showed  happiness  in  their  faces  (Cyrus  Cyl., 
11  ff). 

313.  A  fM^ays  later,  Cyrus  himself  entered  the 
city.  Nabuna'id  had  already  been  captured.  He 
was  treated  kindly  and  exiled  to  the  east.     Belshaz- 


376  NEW  BABYLONIA 

zar  was  shortly  afterward  slain,  while,  as  it  seems, 
making  a  last  stand  with  the  remnant  of  his  forces. 
The  new  lord  worshipped  at  the  ancient  shrines, 
glorified  the  gods  that  had  given  him  headship  over 
their  land  and  people,  and  received  in  his  royal  city 
Babylon  the  kings,  from  all  quarters  of  the  world, 
who  came  bringing  their  heavy  taxes  and  kissed  his 
feet.  He  called  himself  by  the  old  familiar  titles  — 
"Cyrus,  king  of  the  world,  the  great  king,  the 
powerful  king,  the  king  of  Babylon,  the  king  of 
Shumer  and  Akkad,  the  king  of  the  four  quarters 
of  the  world,  .  .  .  whose  reign  Bel  and  Nabu  love, 
whose  sovereignty  they  longed  for  in  the  desire  of 
their  hearts."  But  the  words  are  empty  echoes  of  a 
vanishing  past.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  new  master  of 
the  nations,  who  stood  upon  the  ruins  of  the  mighty 
Semitic  communities  that  for  millenniums  had  ruled 
the  world.  A  man  of  another  race,  to  whom  the 
valley  of  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  was  no  longer 
the  centre  of  human  power  and  human  civilization, 
whose  ideals  of  the  divine  and  the  human  world  were 
formed  under  other  skies,  and  whose  empire  stretched 
far  away  beyond  the  boundaries  of  Assyria  in  its 
fairest  splendor,  was  henceforth  to  direct  the  destinies 
of  the  peoples,  whose  leadership  of  human  history 
has  been  followed  from  its  dawn  to  its  setting.  A 
new  force  had  come  to  its  own,  and  another  chapter 
of  human  progress  began. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  SUMMARY 


City-states  flourish  in  South  Babylonia. 
Expansion  and  Conflicts  of  City-states. 
Enshagsagana,  of  Kengi,  victor  over  Kish. 
Mesilim,  king  of  Kish,  victor  over  Shirpurla. 
Dynasty  of   Ur  Nina,   king  of    Shirpurla, 

victor  over  Gishban ;  Stele  of  Vultures. 
Lugalzaggisi,  king  of  Gishban,  ruler  as  far 

as  the  Mediterranean. 
Alusharshid,  of  Kish,  conqueror  of  Elam. 
Sargon,  king  of  Agade,  and  his  son  Naram 

Sin,  lords  of  the  Mediterranean  coast-land, 

of  northern  Mesopotamia,  and  of  Elam. 
Ur  Bau  and  other  patesis  of  Shirpurla. 
Gudea,  patesi  of  Shirpurla. 
Ur  Gur  and  Dungi  I.,  kings  ol  Ur,  kings  of 

Shumer  and  Akkad. 
Kings  of  Uruk  and  Isin. 
Second  Dynasty  of  Ur ;  Dungi  II.,  lord  of 

the  West. 
Migrations   and   Invasions :    Arabians  and 

Elamites  enter  Babylon. 
First  Dynasty  of  kings  of  Babylon. 
Rira  Sin,  Elamite  king  of  Larsam,  king  of 

Shumer  and  Akkad. 
Khammurabi,  king  of  Babylon,  victor  over 

the  Elamites,  unifier  of  Babylonia. 
Ammiditana,  of  Babylonia,  king  of  the  West. 
Second  Dynasty  of  Babylonian  kings. 
In  the  centuries  before  2000  b.  c.     Babylonian  influence,  po- 
litical and  commercial,  was  predominant  in  the  Mediterranean 
coast-lands. 


By  5000  B.C. 
About  4500-2250 

"  4500 

*'   4400 

"   4200 

4000 

3850 

3800-3750 

3500 
3100 
3000 

2900 
2800-2500 

2450-2300 

2400-2100 
2290 

2297-2254 

2188-2151 
2085-1717 

378 


CHRONOLOGICAL  SUMMARY 


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CHUOXOLOGICAL  SUMMARY 


379 


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shurnadinakhi  II. 

c  o 

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A  SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


I.    GENERAL  HISTORIES   OF  ANTIQUITY 

Abbreviations 

DuH A Duncker  —  The  History  of  Antiquity  (trans- 
lated by  Evelyn  Abbott).  6  vols.  Lon- 
don, 1877-1882. 

MeyGA Meyer — Geschichte   des   Altertums.   I.    Ge- 

schichte  des  Orients  bis  zur  BegrUndung 
des  Perserreichs.     Stuttgart,  1884. 

MaDC  1     ....  Maspero  —  Histoire  ancienne  des  peuples  de 

MaSN  >  I'orient  classique.     Translated  as  three 

MaPE  J  separate  volumes  :  I.  The  Dawn  of  Civili- 

zation ;  II.  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations ; 
HI.  The  Passing  of  the  Empires.  London, 
SPCK,  1894-1900 (New  York:  Appleton). 

McHPM McCurdy  —  History,  Prophecy,  and  the  Mon- 
uments; or,  Israel  and  the  Nations. 
3  vols.  New  York,  1894-1901.  (3d  Ed. 
revised  of  Vol.  L  1898,  2d  Ed.  of  Vol. 
II.  1897). 

RawlGM Rawlinson — The  Five  Great  Monarchies  of 

the  Ancient  Eastern  World.  3  vols. 
New  York,  2d  Ed.,  1871. 

LenHA  .....  Lenormant  —  Histoire  ancienne  de  I'orient 
jusqu'aux  guerres  mediques  (continued 
by  Babelon).    6  vols.     Paris,  1881-1888. 

HeWG  .  .  ,  .  .  Helmolt  —  Weltgeschichte.  Band  III.  West- 
asien  (by  Winckler).  Leipzig,  1901. 
Hommel  —  The  Civilization  of  the  East. 
Temple  Primer.  (Trans,  from  the 
author's  Geschichte  des  alten  Morgen- 
landes.     Stuttgart,  1895).    London,  n.d. 


386  A   SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbreviations 

Belck  —  Beitrage  zur  alten  Geographie  und 
Geschichte  Vorderasiens,  I.,  II.  Leipzig, 
1901. 

KrGAG Krall  —  Grundriss  der  Altorientalischen  Ge- 
schichte. Erster  Theil:  Bis  auf  Kyros. 
Wien,  1899. 

WaESG Wachsmuth  —  Einleitung    in   das    Studium 

der  Alten  Geschichte.     Leipzig,  1895. 
Winckler  —  Die  Yolker  Vorderasiens.     Leip- 
zig, 1899. 

IL  BABYLONIO-ASSYRIAN   HISTORY 

TiBAG Tiele  —  Babylonisch-Assyrische    Geschichte. 

Zwei  Teile.     Gotha,  1886-1888. 

HoGB A Hommel  —  Geschichte  Babyloniens  und  •  As- 

syriens.     Berlin,  1885-1888. 

WiGBA  ....  Winckler,  Geschichte  Babyloniens  und  As- 
syriens.     Leipzig,  1892. 

MDelGB A  ....  Miirdter-Delitzsch  —  Geschichte  Babyloniens 
und  Assyriens  2*^Aufl.  Calw  und  Stutt- 
gart, 1891. 

RoHBA Rogers  —  A  History  of  Babylonia  and  As- 
syria.    2  vols.     New  York,  1900. 

HoHBD Hastings'  Bible  Dictionary — Articles  "As- 
syria "  and  ''  Babylonia  "  by  Homrael. 

KiEBi Encyclopaedia    Biblica  —  Articles  "  Assyria  " 

and  "  Babylonia  "  by  L.  W.  King. 

MuBA Murison  —  Babylonia      and      Assyria  :      A 

Sketch  of  their  History.  (Bible  Class 
Primers.)  New  York,  1901. 
Winckler  —  Die  politische  Entwickelung 
Babyloniens  und  Assyriens.  Leipzig, 
1900. 
Radau  —  Early  Babylonian  History  down 
to  the  end  of  the  fourth  dynasty  of  Ur. 
New  York,  1900. 

BiS    .......  Billerbeck  —  Susa.     Leipzig,  1893. 


A  SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY  387 


m.   TEXTS   AND   TRANSLATIONS 

Abbreviations 

Rawl Rawlinson  —  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  of 

Western  Asia.  5  vols.  London,  1861-1884. 

SchKB Schrader  (editor)  —  Keilinschriftliche  Bibli- 

othek.  Sammlung  von  assyrischen  und 
babylonischen  Texten  in  Umschrift  und 
Uebersetzung.  Bd.  I.  Historische  Texte 
des  altassyrischen  Reichs.  Bd.  II.  His- 
torische Texte  des  neuassyrischen  Reichs. 
Bd.  III.  1-Halfte,  Historische  Texte 
altbabylonischer  Herrscher;  2-Halfte, 
Historische  Texte  des  neubabylonischen 
Reichs.  Bd.  IV.  Texte  juristischen  und 
geschaftlichen  Inhalts.  Bd.  V.  Thonta- 
feln  von  Tel-el- Amarna.  (English  Trans- 
lation, New  York,  1898).  Bd.  VI. 
Assyrisch  -  Babylonische  Mythen  und 
Epen.  Leipzig,  1889-1901. 
Layard  —  Inscriptions    in     the    Cuneiform 

Character.     London,  1851. 
Botta  et    Flandin,  Monuments   de  Nineve, 
I.,  Ill,  et  IV.     Paris,  1849. 

RP^'2 Records  of  the  Past  — Being  English  Trans- 
lations of  the  Assyrian  and  Egyptian 
Monuments.  I  Series,  12  vols.  London; 
II  Series,  6  vols.     London,  1888-1892. 

ABL Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Literature  —  Se- 
lected Translations,  with  a  Critical  Intro- 
duction by  R.  F.  Harper  (The  World's 
Great  Books).     New  York,  1901. 

HiOBI Hilprecht  —  Old     Babylonian     Inscriptions, 

chiefly  from  Nippur.     Philadelphia,  1893. 
Editions  of  inscriptions  of  particular  rulers 
^re  given  in  the  "References," 


388  A  SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

IV.     GEOGRAPHY,   TRAVEL,   EXPLORATION,  ETC. 

Abbreviations 

Rich  —  Narrative  of  a  Journey  to  the  Site 
of  Babylon  in  1811.  London,  1839. 
Narrative  of  a  Residence  in  Koordistan 
and  on  the  Site  of  Ancient  Nineveh. 
London,  1836. 
Lof tus  —  Travels  and  Researches  in  Chaldea 
and  Susiana.     London,  1857. 

LayNR Layard  —  Nineveh  and  its  Remains.     2  vols. 

New  York,  1849. 

LayD Discoveries  in  the  Ruins  of  Nineveh  an  1 

Babylon.     London,  1853. 
Chesney  —  The  Expedition  for  the  Survey  of 
the  Rivers  Euphrates  and  Tigris.     2  vols. 
London,  1850. 
Rassam  —  Asshur  and  the  Land  of  Nimrod. 

New  York,  1897. 
Oppert — Expedition  scientifique  en    Meso- 
potamie.     2  vols.     Paris,  1863-1867. 
PeN Peters  —  Nippur;  or.  Explorations    and  Ad- 
ventures on  the  Euphrates.     2  vols.  New 
York,  1897. 
Sachau  —  Reise  in  Syrien  und  Mesopotamien. 
Leipzig,  1883. 

Am  Euphrat  und  Tigris,  1897-1898. 
Leipzig,  1900. 
SmAD G.  Smith  —  Assyrian  Discoveries  :  an  Ac- 
count of  Explorations  and  Discoveries  on 
the  site  of  Nineveh,  during  1873  and 
1874.     New  York,  1875. 

KaAuB Kaulen  —  Assyrien     und    Babylonien     nach 

den  neuesten  Entdeckungen.     5te.  Ausg. 
Freiburg,  1899. 
SchKG    .  .  ...  Schrader  — Keilinschriften    und    Gescliichts- 
forschung.     Giessen,  1878. 

pelP Delitzsch  —  Wo  Lag  das  Paradies  ?    Leipzig, 

J881. 


A  SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY  389 

Abbreviations 

HiRR Hilprecht  (editor)  —  Recent  Research  in  Bible 

Lands.     Philadelphia,  1896. 
EyNL Evetts  — New  Light  on  the  Bible  and  the 

Holy  Land.     London,  1892. 


V.    RELIGION 

The  most  important  editions  of  texts  are : 

King  —  Babylonian     Magic     and     Sorcery, 
being  "The  Prayers  of  the  Lifting  up 
of  the  Hand."     London,  1896. 

Ziramern  —  Babylonische  Busspsalmen.  Leip- 
zig, 1885. 

Beitrage  zur  Kenntniss  der  Babyloni- 
schen  Religion.  I.  Die  Beschwdrungsta- 
feln  Shurpu.  II.  Ritualtafeln  fur  den 
Wahrsager,  Beschworer  und  Sanger. 
Leipzig,    1896-1899. 

Tallquist  —  Die  Assyrische  Beschworungs- 
serie  Maqlu,  1894. 

Knudtzson  —  Assyrische  Gebete  an  den  Son- 
nengott  fUr  Staat  und  Konigliches  Haus. 
2  Bde.     Leipzig,  1893. 

Thompson  —  The  Reports  of  the  Magicians 
»  and  Astrologers  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon. 
2  vols.     London,  1900. 

The  Treatises  are: 

JaRB  A Jastrow  —  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria. 

Boston,  1898. 

KiBRM King  —  Babylonian  Religion  and  Mythology. 

London,  1899. 
Lenormant  —  Chaldean    Magic,    its    Origin 
'  and  Development.     London,  1877. 

Sayce  —  Lectures  on  the  Origin  and  Growth 
of  Religion  as  illustrated  by  the  Religion 
of  the  Ancient  Babylonians  (Hibbert 
Lectures,  1887).     London,  1887. 


390  A  SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbreviations 

Jeremias  —  (in  Saussaye,  Lehrbuch  d.  Re- 
ligionsgeschichte,  2te  Ausg.  Bd.  I.  163- 
221)  —  "Die  Babylonier  und  Assyrer." 
Freiburg,  1897. 

Tiele  —  (in  Geschichte  der  Religion  im  Alter- 
tum,  Bd.  L  127-216)  — "Die  Religion 
in  Babylonien  und  Assyrien."  Gotha, 
1896. 

Eerdmans  —  (in  *'  Progress,"  3d  ser.  6,  403- 
415)  —  "■  Babylonian- Assyrian  Religion." 
Chicago,  1897. 

Jeremias  —  Holle  und  Paradies  bei  den  Baby- 
lon iern.  Leipzig,  1900;  English  Trans- 
lation, London,  1902. 


VL     MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS;   ART   AND 
LITERATURE 

SaBaA Sayce  —  Babylonians    and    Assyrians,    Life 

and  Customs  (The  Semitic  Series).    New 

York,  1899. 

Babylonian  Literature.     London,  n.  d. 

PeiSBG Peiser  —  *' Skizze  der  babylonischen  Gesell- 

schaft,"  in  Mitteilungen  der  Yorderasiat- 
ischen  Gesellschaft,  I.  3,  Berlin,  1896. 

PCHACA  ....  Perrot  and  Chipiez  —  History  of  Ancient  Art 
in  Chaldaea  and  Assyria.  2  vols.  London. 

BMG A  Guide  to   the   Babylonian    and    Assyrian 

Antiquities  of  the  British  Museum.     Lon- 
don, 1900. 
Bezold  —  Kurzgefasster  Ueberblick  liber  die 
Babylonisch-Assyrische  Litteratur.  Leip- 
zig, 1886.  • 
Ihering  —  The  Evolution  of  the  Aryan  (trans. 

from  the  German).  New  York,  1897. 
Babelon  —  Maimal  of   Oriental   Antiquities. 
J^Tew  York,  1889. 


A   SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY  391 

Abbreviations 

Maspero  —  Life     in     ancient     Egypt     and 

Assyria.     London,  1892. 
Speck  —  Handelsgeschichte  des  Alterthums 

I.     Leipzig,  1901. 

VII.  BABYLONIO-ASSYRIAN  MONUMENTS 

AND  THE  BIBLE 

Price  —  The  Monuments  and  the  Old  Testa- 
ment.    Chicago,  1900. 

Driver  —  (in  "  Authority  and  Archaeology," 
edited  by  Hogarth)  —  "  Hebrew  Author- 
ity."   pp.  1-152.     New  York,  1899. 

Sayce  —  The  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Ver- 
dict of  the  Monuments.     London,  1894. 

Hommel  —  The  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition 
as  illustrated  by  the  Monuments.  Lon- 
don, 1897. 

Schrader  —  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  and 
the  Old  Testament.     2  vols. 
KAT' Die  Keilinschriften  und  das  Alte  Testa- 
ment.    3te  Aufl.  1-Halfte,  bearb.  von  H. 
Winckler.     Berlin,  1902. 

Cheyne  —  (in  "  The  Hexateuch"  by  Carpen- 
ter and  Harford-Battersby,  vol.   I.   pp. 
164-171). 
Wi Winckler  —  (see  above  under  Schrader). 

Ball  —  Light  from  the  East,  or  the  Wit- 
ness of  the  Monuments.     London,  1899. 

Vigouroux  —  La  Bible  et  les  decouvertes 
modernes.     6th  ed.    4  vols.    Paris,  1896. 

VIII.  COLLECTIONS   OF   ESSAYS,   SERIES, 

JOURNALS,   ETC. 

WiUAG Winckler  —  Untersuchungen  zur  Altoriental- 

ischeu  Geschichte.    Leipzig,  1889. 
Alttestamentliche  Untersuchungen.  Leip- 
zig, 1892. 


392  A  SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbreviations 

WiAOF Winckler  —  Altorientalische  .     Forschungen. 

Erste  Reihe,  Heft  1-6;  Zweite  Reihe, 
Bd.  I.,  Bd.  II.  Heft  L     Leipzig,  1893-     . 

B A Delitzsch  und  Haupt  —  Beitrage  zur  Assyri- 

ologie,  Bd.  I.-IV.     Leipzig,  1890-     . 

MVAG Mittheilungen  der  Vorderasiatischen  Gesell- 

schaft  (yearly  volumes  in  parts).  Berlin, 
1896-    . 

ZK Bezold  (editor)  —  Zeitschrift  fiir  Keilschrift- 

forschung.     Leipzig,  1884-1885. 

ZA Zeitschrift  fiir  Assyriologie.   Leipzig,  1886-    . 

EncyBrit Encyclopaedia  Britannica. 

EBi Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  edited  by  Cheyne. 

DB A  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  edited  by  Hast- 
ings. 

AJSL The  American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages 

and  Literatures  (continuing  Hebraica). 


IX.  CHRONOLOGY 

Lehmann  —  Zwei  Hauptprobleme  der  altori- 

entalischen  Chronologie.     Berlin,  1898. 
Niebuhr  —  Die   Chronologie   der  Geschichte 

Israels,  Aegyptens,  Babyloniens  u.  Assyr- 

iens.     Leipzig,  1896. 
Rost  —  Untersuchungen      zur      altoriental- 

ischen  Geschichte,  MVAG,  II.  2,  1897. 
Winckler  —  Zur       babylonisch  -  assyrischen 

Chronologie.     UAG.     Leipzig,  1889. 


EEFEEENCES 

INTRODUCTION 
I 

THE   LANDS   OF    THE   EUPHRATES   AND   TIGRIS 

The  classical  descriptions  of  Mesopotamia  are  those  of  Herodo- 
tus, I.  193,  Strabo,  XVI.  1,  and  Pliny,  N.  H.  XVIIL  17.  The 
most  complete  modern  discussion  still  remains  that  of  Rawlinson 
in  GM,  I.  1-42  ("  Chaldaea  "),  and  180-235  ("  Assyria  "),  includ- 
ing land,  climate,  and  productions.  Compare  EncyBrit,  arts. 
'^Babylonia,"  "  Mesopotamia;  "  MaDC,  547-560;  MaSN,  597- 
602;  RoHBA,  I.  266-289;  TiBAG,  I.  50-58;  HoGBA,  180-195; 
KaAuB,  ch.  ii.;  KiEBi,  I.  cols.  350,  420;  HoHBD,  I.  176,  214- 
The  books  of  travel  referred  to  in  the  Bibliography  IV.  may 
also  be  profitably  consulted.  Excellent  maps  in  HBD,  I.  176; 
EBi  (art.  "Assyria"). 

n 

THE   EXCAVATIONS   IN   BABYLONIA   AND   ASSYRIA 

The  most  exhaustive  account  of  the  exploration  of  the  lands 
of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  the  excavation  of  the  ruin-sites 
and  the  decipherment  of  the  monuments,  is  that  in  RoHBA, 
I.  1-253.  Less  complete  but  accurate  and  more  or  less  read- 
able accounts  are  found  in  ABL,  iii-xxxii  (R.  F.  Harper);  a 
series  of  articles  by  the  same  scholar  in  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment Student,  XIV.  1  and  2,  and  the  Biblical  World,  I.  4  and 
5;  VIIL  1;  HoGBA,  58-146;  KaAuB,  chs.  iii.,  v.,  vi.;  De- 
litzsch,  "  Assyrian  Grammar,"  1-8.  Compare  also  Lyon,  "  A 
Half  Century  of  Assyriology,"  in  Bib.  World,  VIH.  2. 


394  REFERENCES 

The  narratives  of  the  explorers  and  excavators  contain 
material  of  the  first  importance  and  the  deepest  interest.  The 
student  would  do  well  to  dip  into  LayXR  and  read  vol.  I.  ch.  iii. 
or  vol.  II.  ch.  xiii. ;  and  PeN,  vol.  I.  ch.  xi.  or  vol.  II.  ch.  iii.,  to 
catch  a  glimpse  of  the  actual  experiences  of  the  workers. 

m 

THE   LANGUAGE   AND   LITERATURE 

See  references  for  ch.  ii.  (decipherment  of  inscriptions)  and 
EvNL,  ch.  iv. ;  Mahaffy,  ''  Prolegomena  to  Ancient  History," 
167-212 ;  On  the  "  Sumerian "  problem  the  leading  discus- 
sions on  opposite  sides  are  Weissbach,  "Die  Sumerische  Frage" 
(for  "Sumerian"),  and  Ilalevy,  "Le  Sumerisme  et  I'histoire 
babylonienne "  (against  "Sumerian").  Compare  also  McHPM, 
I.  sects.  79-85 ;  and  his  article  in  Pres.  and  Ref.  Review,  II.  6 ; 
HBD,  art.  "  Accad  "  and  lit.  there  cited.  HoGBA,  237-258, 
sketches  the  Old  "  Sumerian  "  civilization  with  unwarranted 
certainty. 

Besides  the  works  on  the  literature  cited  in  the  Bibliography, 
the  religious  literature  is  treated  most  fully  in  JaRBA  (see 
table  of  cont.);  Jastrow  has  also  written  on  "  The  Text  Book 
Literature  of  the  Babylonians "  in  the  Bib.  World,  IX.  4. 
Compare  ABL,  xxxiv-lxii,  for  an  excellent  summary  of  the 
whole  subject,  as  also  KaAuB,  ch.  vii.  Translations  of  these 
texts  are  referred  to  in  the  Bibliography.  See  also  "  Refer- 
ences "  to  Part  I.  chs.  iii.  and  iv. 

rv 

CHRONOLOGY    AND    HISTORY 

See  Bibliography  under  IX.  "  Chronology "  for  special 
treatises.  Good  general  discussions  are  found  in  RoHBA,  I. 
312-348;  Paton,  *' Oriental  Chronology  "  in  Bib.  World,  July, 
1901.  A  thoroughgoing  article  with  valuable  texts  but  not  al- 
together up  to  date  is  that  by  Winckler,  "  Zur  babylouisch-assy- 
rischeu  Chronologic,"  in  UAG,  1-46 ;  see  also  Wi,  "  Zur 
babylonisch-assyrischen  Geschichte  "  in  AOF,  X.  5,    On  Herodo- 


REFERENCES  395 

tus  as  a  trustworthy  oriental  historian  some  controversy  has 
arisen ;  see  Sayce  in  the  preface  to  his  "  Ancient  Empires  of  the 
East,"  and  Tolraan  and  Stevenson  "  Herodotus  and  the  Empires 
of  the  East"  which  is  based  on  Nikel,  "  Herodot  und  die 
Keilschriftforschung."  WaESG  has  excellent  material  on 
Berosus,  Ctesias,  and  Ptolemy  (see  index).  TiBAG,  12-49,  goes 
thoroughly  into  the  sources.  The  Kings'  List  is  translated  in 
SchKB,  li.  2861,  RP^,  I.  13  f.  (compare  the  Introduction) ;  the 
Assyrian  Limu  List  (Eponym  Canon)  in  SchKB,  L  204  ff.,  III. 
ii.  143  ff.,  RP2,  II.  110  ff. 


Part   T.  —  THE   CITY    STATES   OF  BABYLONIA 
AND  THEIR  UNIFICATION  UNDER  BABYLON 


THE    DAWN    OF    HISTORY 

See  the  histories:  MaDC,  560-564;  HoGBA,  195-263  (the 
cities),  269-280  (the  surrounding  peoples);  TiBAG,  81-90 
(the  cities)  ;  McHPM,  I.  77-95.  The  fragments  of  Berosus  are 
found  in  Cory,  "  Ancient  Fragments,"  London  1876.  A  read- 
able article  is  Sayce,  "  The  Antiquity  of  Civilized  Man,"  in  Am. 
Jour,  of  Theology,  V.  4 ;  DelP  gathers  material  on  the  early 
sites  and  districts  ;  Lenormant,  "  The  Beginnings  of  History," 
New  York  1893,  discusses  the  problems  of  early  traditions. 
Map  for  period  of  beginnings  down  to  1100  b.  c.  in  HeWG, 
III.  10. 

II 

MOVEMENTS    TOWARD   EXPANSION   AND    UNIFICATION 

MaDC,  595-620;  TiBAG,  100-124;  HoGBA,  281-374; 
McHPM,  L  96-132;  VViGBA,  18-49;  MDelGBA,  72-84; 
RoHBA,  349-385.  The  texts  are  gathered  in  SchKB,  III.  i. 
Those  found  at  Nippur  are  in  Hilprecht,  "  Old  Babylonian 
Inscriptions,"  vol.  I.  pts.  1  and  2,  with  valuable  introductions. 
The  chief  Guiea  texts  have  been  pubHshed  by  Price,   "  The 


396  REFERENCES 

Great  Cylinder  Inscriptions  (A  and  B)  of  Gudea,"  I.,  and 
English  translations  of  these  and  other  inscriptions  of  early 
rulers  are  made  by  Araiaud  in  RP^,  I,  and  II.,  "  The  Inscrip- 
tions of  Telloh."  The  original  publication  of  the  Tello  mate- 
rial was  made  by  De  Sarzec-Ileuzey,  "  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee." 
Compare  EvNL,  ch.  v.  ;  HiRR,  "  Explorations  in  Babylonia," 
43  ff.  Radau,  "Early  Babylonian  History,"  New  York  1900, 
collects  and  discusses  thoroughly,  though  in  a  confused  and 
difficult  fashion,  all  this  early  material,  and  is  indispensable 
for  detailed  study.  On  Gen.  xiv.  there  are  discussions  in  the 
works  mentioned  under  VII.  "  Babylonio- Assyrian  Monuments 
and  the  Bible  "  in  the  Bibliography.  Compare  King,  "  Letters 
and  Inscriptions  of  Hammurabi,"  I.  xlix  f.  and  EBi,  art. 
"  Chedorlaomer."  The  chronological  problems  of  this  chapter, 
revolving  about  the  date  of  Sargon,  have  been  recently  attacked 
by  Lehmann,  "  Zwei  Hauptprobleme  d.  altorient.  Chronologic," 
1898.  See  Wi,  "Die  altmesopotamischen  Reiche,"  in  UAG, 
65-90,  and  "  Die  politische  Entwickelung  Altmesopotamiens," 
in  AOF,  I.  i. 

Ill  AND  IV 
CIVILIZATION   OF    OLD   BABYLONIA 

Besides  the  works  mentioned  in  Bibliography  VI.  "  Manners 
and  Customs"  and  V.  "Religion,"  compare  chapters  on  the 
Babylonio- Assyrian  civilization  in  DuIIA,  I.  ii.  chs.  ii.  andiii.  ; 
MaDC,  535-546,  623-700,  703-784;  TiBAG,  II.  485  ff.  (sum- 
marizes the  whole  subject  under  "  Die  babylonisch-assyrische 
Kultur");  HoGB  A,  375-406;  McHPM,  I.  27-76;  WiGBA,  50- 
56;  RawlGM,  I.  61  ff. ;  LenHA,  V.  livre  vi.  (summarizes  the 
whole  as  Tiele) ;  MeyGA,  I.  172-193;  IleWG,  31-42,  Simcox, 
"Primitive  Civilizations,"  I.  bk.  ii.  Texts  of  business  docu- 
ments with  translations  in  SchKB,  IV.  and  Meissner,  "  Beitrage 
zum  Altbabylonischen  Privatrecht,"  Leipzig  1893.  On  ancient 
Babylonian  science  compare  the  standard  work  of  Jensen, 
"Die  Kosmologie  der  Babylonier,"  Strassburg  1890;  HBD,  art. 
"  Cosmogony  "  and  EncyBrit.  under  same  head. 

On  art,  besides  the  great  work  of  Perrot  and  Chipiee  (see 


REFERENCES  397 

Bibl.  VI.),  compare  Reber,   '*  Ueber  altchaldaische   Kunst," 
ZA,  I.  and  II. 

On  the  literature  strictly  so  called,  see  Sayce,  "  Babylonian 
Literature,"  London,  n.  d. ;  7rf.,  "  The  Literary  Works  of  An- 
cient Babylonia  "  in  ZK,  I. ;  brief  summaries  of  the  Epics,  etc., 
in  HoHBD,  I.  220-222;  Geo.  Smith,  "  The  Chaldean  Account 
of  Genesis,"  N.  Y.  n.  d.  (full  accounts  of  the  legends,  etc.); 
KiBRM,  chs.  iii.-v.  An  excellent  discussion  of  the  forms  of 
the  clay  tablets,  etc.  in  KiEBi,  I.  cols.  428  f. 


THE    TIMES    OF   KHAMMURABI    OP    BABYLON 

MaSN,  19-50;  TiBAG,  124-127;  HoGBA,  407-417; 
McHPM,  I.  132-142;  WiGBA,  57-68;  MDelGBA,  84-89; 
RoHBA,  L  386-397.  The  standard  edition  of  the  texts  is  King, 
"  The  Letters  and  Inscriptions  of  Hammurabi,"  3  vols.,  Lon- 
don 1898-1900  (translations  in  vol.  III.))  introductions  espe- 
cially valuable.  On  the  changes  in  civilization  and  religion, 
see  WiGBA,  69-76,  and  JaRBA,  ch.  viii.  An  important  article 
on  chronology  is  Lindl,  "  Die  Datenlist  der  ersten  Dynastie  von 
Babylon,"  BA,  IV.  3. 


Part   II  —  THE     RISE    OF    ASSYRIA    AND    ITS 
STRUGGLES   WITH   KASSITE   BABYLONIA 

I    AND    II 
THE    KASSITE   CONQUEST   AND   ASSYRIAN   WARS 

MaSN,  111-120,  588-612;  TiBAG,  127-149;  HoGBA,  418- 
513;  McHPM,  I.  142-151,  206-218;  WiGBA,  77-100,  169- 
171;  MDelGBA,  89-94, 142-150;  RoHBA,  I.  398-429,  II.  1-20. 
Delitzsch  has  written  especially  on  the  Kassites  in  his  "  Die 
Sprache  der  Kossaer,"  Leipzig  1884;  see  also  Wi.,  "Die 
babylonische  Kassitendynastie  "  in  AOF,  I.  2.  The  texts  are 
in  SchKB,  IIL  i.,  ABL,  3  ff.  (Agumkakrime),  217  ff.  (Tel-el- 


398  REFERENCES 

Amarna),  Winckler,  "  The  Tel-el-Amarna  Letters,**  London 
1896  (English  trans,  of  entire  collection).  HiOBI,  L  i.  has  a 
valuable  discussion  of  the  Kassite  kings.  The  "  Synchronistic 
History"  is  translated  in  ABL,  196  £f.,  RP^,  IV.  24  ff.  The 
early  texts  of  the  *' Babylonian  Chronicle"  are  in  RP*,  V. 
106  ff.  For  the  other  chronological  documents,  see  "  Refer- 
ences "  to  Jut.  ch.  IV. 

The  literature  on  the  Tel-el-Amarna  letters  is  large.  Com- 
pare EvNL,  chs.  vi.-viii. ;  Tiele,  "  Western  Asia  according  to 
the  Most  Recent  Discoveries,"  London  ;  Ball,  "  Light  from  the 
East,"  86  ff. ;  Sayce  in  RP2,  11.  -III.,  V.  with  translations.  For 
the  early  patesis  of  Assyria,  see  Johns,  "  A  new  Patesi  of  Ashur,'* 
in  AJSL,  XVIII.  3. 

Ill 

CIVILIZATION   AND    CULTURE    IN   THE    EASSITB   PERIOD 

On  the  Kassite  civilization  and  early  Assyrian  conditions,  see 
WiGBA,  101-110,140-151,  163-168;  MaSN,  617-642  ;  MeyGA, 
L  334-336;  KiEBi,  cols.  351  f.,  363  f.,  446  f.;  HoHBD,  180  f., 
227.  For  the  special  interest  of  the  Kassite  kings  in  Nippur, 
see  HiOBI,  I.  i.  30  f.,  and  PeN,  index  s.  v.  "  Kosseau." 

IV 

THE    TIMES    OF    TIGLATHPILE8ER  I 

MaSN,  642-670;  TiBAG,  147-166;  HoGBA,  514-537; 
McHPM,  L  219-223;  WiGBA,  171-176;  KrGAG,  104-107; 
MDelGBA,  150-156 ;  RoHBA,  IL  21-34.  Texts  and  trans,  are 
found  in  SchKB,  IL  14-49  and  in  Lolz,  "  Die  Inschr.  Tiglath 
Pileser  I.,"  Leipzig  1880.  Trans,  in  RP^,  I.  86  ff.  ;  ABL,  11  ff. 
On  the  dynasty  of  Pashe,  see  HiOBI,  I.  i.  38  ff.  The  Neb.  deed 
of  gift  is  trans,  in  ABL,  8  ff.  The  relations  of  Assyr.  and  Bab. 
are  given  in  the  Syn.  Hist.,  col.  ii.  See  EncyBrit.  arts. 
**  Armenia  "  and  "  Kurdistan"  for  geography.  See  also  Meiss- 
ner,  "  Der  elamitisclie  FeldzugTiglathpileser  I."  in  ZA,  X.  101  f. 
Map  for  period  1100-745  b.  c.  in  IleWG,  III.  55. 


HEFERENCES  399 

Part  III.  — THE   ASCENDANCY   OF  ASSYRIA. 


THE   ANCIENT   WORLD   AT    THE    BEGINNING   OP    THE   FIRST 
MILLENNIUM 

WiGBA,  176-181;  RoHBA,  II.  35-45;  McHPM,  I.  243-245; 
PaEHSP,  181-198;  KAT*,  I.  38  f. 


II 


A8HURNACIRPAL   III.    AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF 
MESOPOTAMIA 

MaPE,  3-51;  TiB AG,  166-186  ;  HoGB A,  538-588 ;  WiGBA, 
181-190;  McHPM,  I.  261-266;  KrGAG,  125-131;  RoHBA, 
II.  46-71 ;  KAT3,  I.  39-41.  Texts,  etc. :  SchKB,  I.  i.  50-129  ; 
ABL,  28-30  ;  RP2,  II.  128-177,  IV.  80.  On  the  campaigns  in 
the  north,  see  the  important  papers  of  Streck,  "  Das  Gebiet  der 
heutigen  Landschaften  Armenien,  Kurdistan  und  Westpersien 
nach  den  babylonisch-assyrischen  Keilinschriften  "  beginning 
in  ZA,  XIII.  57.  On  the  Syrian  campaign,  see  PaEHSP, 
199-202.  For  the  Nabupaliddin  inscription,  see  ABL,  30-33, 
and  BMG,  128.  On  Assyrian  officials,  see  WiGBA,  209  f.,  and 
Delitzsch,  "Assyrische  Studien,"  129-135.  On  the  palace  at 
Kalkhi,  see  LayNR,  I.  ch.  iii. 

Ill 

THE  ADVANCE  INTO  SYRIA  AND  THE  RISE  OF  URARTU.  FROM 
8HALMANE8ER  II.  TO  THE  FALL  OF  HIS  HOUSE 

MaPE,  52-114;  TiBAG,  186-216;  HoGB  A,  589-647;  WiGBA, 
191-220;  McHPM,  I.  267-306;  KrGAG,  131-141;  RoHBA 
II.  47-103 ;  K  AT8,  I.  41-49  ;  arts.  "  Shalmaiieser  "  in  EBi  and 
DB.  Texts,  etc.  :  Amiaud  and  Scheil:  "  Les  Inscriptions  de 
Salmanasar  IL,"  Paris  1890;  KB,  I.  i.  128-193;  RP^^  IV.  38-79, 
86-89  ;  Hebraica,  II.  140-146,  III.  201-231 ;  ABL,  33-52.  On 
the  Black  Obelisk,  see  LayNR,  I.  282  f . ;  on  Imgur-bel  gates,  see 


400  REFERENCES 

PSBA,  VII.  89-111.  For  the  Babylonian  Chronicle,  see  ABL, 
200 ;  RP2,  I.  22  ff.  On  the  civilization  of  the  time,  see  MeyG A,T. 
420-424.  On  the  western  campaigns,  see  PaEHSP,  205-224. 
On  the  kingdom  of  Urartu,  see  the  inscriptions  trans,  by  Sayce, 
JRAS,  new  ser.,  XIV.*388  ff.,  RP2  I.  163  f.,  IV.  114  f.,  and  the 
epoch-making  discoveries  and  investigations  of  Belck  and  Leh- 
mann,  Zeitschr.  f.  Ethnol.,  1892,  131  f. ;  Verhand.  d.  Ber.  an- 
throp.  Gesellsch.,  1892-1896;  ZA,  IX.  83  ff.,  XI.  197  ff.,  and 
Streck,  articles  cited,  ZA,  XIV.  103  ff.  (an  excellent  collection 
of  materials). 

IV 

THE   ASSYRIAN    REVIVAL.       TIGLATHPILESER   III.    AND 
SHALMANESER    IV. 

MaPE,  117-218;  TiBAG,  217-238;  HoGBA,  648-678 
WiGBA,  221-235;  McHPM,  I.  323-338,  347-358,  372-395; 
KrGAG,  141-146  ;  RoHBA,  II.  104-147;  KAT',  I.  49-63  ;  arts. 
Tp.  III.  and  Shal.  IV.  in  EBi  and  DB.  Texts,  etc.;  Rost, 
"  Keilschrifttexte  Tiglath  Pileser  III."  Leipzig  1893  ;  ABL,  52- 
58;  RP2,  V.  115  ff. ;  KB,  I.  ii.  2-33;  SmAD,  ch.  xiv.  For  the 
north- Syrian  campaigns,  see  the  inscriptions  from  Samal  in 
MaOS,  XL,  Berlin  1893,  and  PaEHSP,  229-244;  Jeremias, 
'*  Tyrus,"  Leipzig  1891,  27  ff. ;  Wi,  "  Das  Syrische  Land  Jaudi," 
usw.  in  AOF,  I.  i.  >  Wi,  Assyrian  u.  Tyrus  seit  Tp.  III., 
AOF,  II.  i.  65-70. 


THE   ASSYRIAN    EMPIRE    AT   ITS   HEIGHT.      8ARG0N   II. 

MaPE,  221-273;  TiBAG,  238-282;  HoGBA,  678-741  (here 
the  house  of  Sargon  is  treated  as  a  whole);  WiGBA.  236-249; 
McHPM,  I.  395-401,  IL  237-247,  266-271 ;  KrGAG,  146-152; 
RoHBA,  II.  148-182;  MeyGA,  I.  460-463;  KAT«,  I.  63-75; 
arts.  "  Sargon  "  in  EBi  and  DB.  Texts,  etc.  :  Winckler,  "  Die 
Keilschrifttexte  Sargon's,"  Leipzig  1889  ;  Lyon,  "  Keilschrift- 
texte Sargon's,"  Leipzig  1883  ;  KB,  1.  ii.  34-81 ;  ABL,  59-64; 
SmAD,  ch.  XV.  For  the  Mardukbaliddin  inscr.,  see  ABL,  64- 
68.    On  the  civilization  of  the  Sargonid  age,  see  WiGBA,  293- 


REFERENCES  401 

302,  and  a  brilliant  sketch  in  Maspero,  "  Life  in  anc.  Egypt  and 
Assyria,"  London  1892.  On  the  Sargon  palace,  see  the  great 
illustrated  works  of  Botta  and  Place;  KaAuB,  ch.  iv.,  and 
PCHACA.  On  the  western  expeditions,  see  PaEHSP,  244-251 ; 
Jeremias,  '*Tyrus,"30;  Wi,  "  Die  Sargoniden  und  Egypten," 
usw.,  in  UAG,  91-108;  "  Samal  unter  Sargon,"  AOF,  XL  i. 
71-73.  On  the  Elamite  wars,  see  BiS,  77-82.  On  Mu9ri,  see 
Wi,  "Musri,  Melukha,  Main,"  in  MVAG,  III.  i.  and  iv. ;  and 
in  AOF,  .1  i.;  AT.Untersuchungen,  168-174;  also  KAT«,  L 
136-153. 

VI 

THE   STRUGGLE   FOR   IMPERIAL   UNITY.      SENNACHERIB 

MaPE,  273-346;  TiBAG,  285-325;  WiGBA,  249-259; 
McHPM,  II.  272-302,  322-332;  KrGAG,  152-157;  RoHBA,  II. 
183-215;  KAT3,  L  75-86;  arts.  "  Senn."  in  EBi  and  DB. 
Texts,  etc.:  Smith  (G),  "History  of  Sennacherib,"  London 
1878;  SchKB,  L  ii.  80-119;  Pognon,  "  L'inscr.  de  Bavian," 
Paris  1879;  RP2,  VL  80-101;  ABL,  68-80;  SmAD,  ch.  xvi. 
Meissner  u.  Rost,  "  Bauinschriften  Sanheribs." 

On  the  western  campaigns,  see  PaEHSP,  251-262;  Jeremias, 
"Tyrus,"  31  ff.  On  the  Elamite  campaigns,  see  BiS,  82-92; 
and  for  the  Battle  of  Khalule,  Haupt,  in  Andover  Review,  May, 
1886.  On  topography  of  Nineveh,  see  SmAD,  ch.  vi.,  and 
Billerbeck  u.  Jeremias,  "  Der  Untergang  Nineveh's,"  in  BA, 
III.  87-188. 

VII 

IMPERIAL   EXPANSION   AND   DIVISION.      ESARHADDON 

MaPE,  346-381  ;  TiBAG,  325-351  ;  WiGBA,  259-272  ; 
McHPM,  II.  333-350;  KrGAG,  157-159;  RoHBA,  II.  216- 
245;  KAT8,  I.  86-92  ;  arts.  "  Esarh."  in  EBi  and  DB.  Texts, 
etc. :  Budge,  "  History  of  Esarhaddon,"  London  1880;  Harper, 
"Esarhaddon  Inscr."  (cyl.  A  and  B),  New  Haven  1888; 
SchKB,  I.  ii.  120-153;  ABL,  80-94;  Meissner  u.  Rost,  "  Bau- 
inschr.  Asarh.,"  in  BA,  III.  189-362;  the  Samal  inscription  in 
MaOS,  Ausgr.  in  Sendschr.  i.  86-41 ;  SmAD,  ch.  xvii. 

20 


402  REFERENCES 

For  the  western  campaigns,  see  PaEHSP,  262-265;  Jer., 
''  Tyrus,"  35  f. ;  AOF,  II.  i.  11  ff.  For  the  northern  campaigns 
and  the  oracles  thereupon,  see  Knudtzson,  Gebete   (Bibliog. 

m.). 

VIII 

THE   LAST    DAYS    OF    SPLENDOR.      ASHURBANIPAL 

MaPE,  381-442,  459-464;  TiBAG,  351-400;  WiGBA,  272- 
302;  McHPM,  II.  351-390;  KrGAG,  159-164;  RoHBA,  II. 
246-282;  MeyGA,  I.  480-482,  483-496;  KAT^,  1.  92-98;  arts. 
"  Ashurb."  in  EBi  and  DB.  Texts,  etc. :  Smith  (G.),  "  History 
of  Ashurbauipal,"  London  1871;  Smith  (S.  A.),  "  Keilschrift- 
texte  Asurbanipals,"  Leipzig  1887-1889;  SchKB,  I.  ii.  152- 
269;  ABL,  94-130;  SmAD,  ch.  xviii. 

For  the  Babylonian  campaigns,  see  Lehmann,  "  Shamashshu- 
mukin,"  Leipzig  1892;  BiS,  96-120;  ABL,  130  f.  On  the 
Western  campaigns,  see  PaEHSP,  265-270;  Jer.,  "  Tyrus," 
37 ff.;  Haupt,  "Wateh-ben-Hazael,"  in  Hebraica,  I.  4.  On  the 
art  and  literature  of  the  time,  see  PCHACA,  DuHA^  III.  iv. 
ch.  ix.,  and  for  the  library,  Rassam,  "  Asshur,"  etc.,  31;  Menant, 
*'  La  Bibliothek  du  Palais  de  Nineve." 


IX 


THE    FALL   OF    ASSYRIA 

MaPE,  445-458;  TiBAG,  400-415;  HoGBA,  II.  742-746; 
McHPM,  IL  391-414;  WiGBA,  290-292;  KrGAG,  165-169; 
RoHBA,  IL  283-295;  KAT«,  I.  104  f. ;  Billerbeck  and  Jere- 
mias,  "Der  Untergang  Nineveh's,"  usw.  in  BA,  III.  87-188; 
Johnston,  "The  Fall  of  the  Assyrian  Empire"  in  Studies  in 
honor  of  B.  L.  Gildersleeve,  Bait.  1902.  Texts,  etc.  :  SchKB, 
I.  ii.  268-273;  for  the  Nabuna'id  inscriptions,  see  ABL,  158- 
168;  Messerschmidt,  "Die  Stele  Nabuna'id's "  in  MVAG, 
I.  i. ;  for  the  Greek  fragments,  see  Cory,  "  Ancient  Fragments," 
etc.,  London  1876,  83-90.  See  Wi,  "  Zur  Medischen  u. 
altpersischen  Gesch."  in  UAG,  109-132,  and  "  Kimmerier, 
Ashguzaer,  Skythen,"  in  AOF,  I.  vi. ;  KAT^  L  100-103. 


REFERENCES  403 

Part  IV.— THE  NEW  BABYLONIAN   (OR 
KALDEAN)   EMPIRE 

I 

THE    HEIRS     OF    ASSYRIA 

MaPE,  486-518;  TiBAG,  416-424;  WiGBA,  303-310;  Ro- 
HBA,  II.  297-315.  Texts,  etc. :  SchKB,  III.  ii.  2-9  ;  ABL,  131- 
134.  On  the  Kaldi,  see  Wi,  "  Die  Stellung  der  Chaldaer  in  der 
Gesch.,"  in  UAG,  47-64. 

II 

NEBUCHADREZZAR     AND    HIS     SUCCESSORS 

MaPE,  518-567  ;  TiBAG,  424-441,  454-458 ;  HoGBA,  749- 
777;  WiGBA,  311-314;  McHPM,  III.  143-171,220-244,  268- 
305;  KrGAG,  170-182;  RoHBA,  II.  316-358;  MeyGA,  I. 
587-592;  KAT^,  I.  106-110;  arts.  "  Nebuchadrezzar  "  in  EBi 
and  DB ;  Harper,  "  Nebuchadnezzar,  King  of  Babylon,"  in 
Bib.  World,  XIV.  1.  Texts,  etc. :  SchKB,  III.  ii.  10-79,  140  f.; 
ABL,  1.34-157;  RPS  III.  102-123. 

For  the  western  campaigns,  see  PaEHSP,  271-278 ;  Jer, 
*'  Tyrus,"  40-48.  For  the  religion  of  Neb.  see  JaRB A,  chs.  xiv., 
xvii.  295-299.  For  the  fortifications  of  Bab.,  see  Billerbeck, 
''Nebuchadnezzar's  Befestigung,"  usw.  MVAG,  IIL  ii.  For 
Wi's  theory  of  Bab.  politics,  see  "  Zur  inneren  Politik,"  usw. 
AOF,  II.  ii.  1,  and  KAT*,  I.  108-112. 

Ill 

BABYLONIA  UNDER  THE  KALDEANS 

TiBAG,  441-454;  McHPM,  IIL  1.52  159,  321-393;  WiGBA, 
320-325;  RawlGM,  II,  497-580,  III.  1-33.  See  also  SaBaA 
(passim);  FeiSBG,  in  MVAG,  I.  iii.  (passim);  Marx,  "Die 
Stellung  der  Frauen,"  usw.  BA,  IV.  1-77;  EvNL,  chs.  x.,  xi., 
xvi.     For  the  religion,  see  JaRBA,  ch.  xiv. 


404  REFERENCES 

Texts  of  business  documents  in  SchKB,  IV.  176  ff. ;  Kohler 
u.  Peiser,  "  Aus  dem  Babylouischen  Rechtsleben,"  Leipzig 
1891 ;  RP2,  III.  1241,  IV.  96  if.,  V.  141  f.  On  Babylon,  see  a 
popular  sketch  of  recent  discoveries  by  Jastrow,  "  The  Palace 
and  Temple  of  Nebuchadnezzar,"  Harper's  Mag.  Apr.  1902, 
and  the  official  reports  in  Mitteilungen  d.  Deu.  Orient-Gesell- 
schaft,  6ff.;  also  McGee,  "  Zur  Topographie  Babylons,"  usw. 
in  BA,  m.  520-560. 

IV 

THE    FALL    OF    BABYLON. 

MaPE,  567  f.;  TiBAG,  459-484;  HoGB A,  777-790;  WiGBA, 
315-319  ;  McHPM,  III.  393-414  ;  KrGAG,  182-184  ;  RoHBA, 
II.  359-381  ;  KAT^,  I.  110-115.  Texts,  etc. :  SchKB,  HI., 
ii.  80-139;  ABL,  157-174;  RP2,  V.  144-176.  See  Hagen 
*'  Keilschrifturkunden  zur  Gesch.  d.  k.  Cyrus,"  in  BA,  II.  1, 
and  the  Bibliography  under  VII.  "  Bab.  Assvr.  Mon.  and  the 
Bible." 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


Remarks.  — (1)  The  letter  following  the  name  indicates  its 
character,  e.g.  :  c  =  city;  d,  district ;  g,  god  or  goddess  ;  k,  king; 
m,  mountain;  n,  noble;  o,  officer;  p,  people;  q,  queen;  r,  river. 

(2)  The  pronunciation  of  Babylonio-Assyrian  vowels  and 
consonants  is  as  follows :  a  like  a  in  father ;  e  like  e  in  they  ;  i 
like  e  in  thee  ;  u  like  oo  in  too  ;  9  =:  ts ;  kh  like  an  aspirate  k ; 
q  like  k;  g  is  hard  as  in  get;  j  like  y.  Other  consonants  have 
the  corresponding  English  sounds.  The  primary  accent  is  indi- 
cated by  ',  the  secondary  by  '. 


Ab'-di-mil-ku'-ti,  k,  294 

A'-be-shu,  k,  113 

A'-bi-ba'-al,  k,  294 

A'-bil  Sin,  k,  108 

A'-bi-ru'-mash,  k,  125 

A'-bu  HalZ-ba,  see  "  Sippar  ■' 

A'-bu  Shah-rein',  see  "  Eridu  " 

Ad'-ad-ap'-lu-id'-din,  k,  172 

Ad'-ad-na'-din-akh'-i,  k,  141 

Ad'-ad-ni-ra'-ri  I.,  k,  137  f.  ; 
memorials  of,  153 

Ad'-ad-ni-ra'-ri  II.,  185  f. 

Ad'-ad-ni-ra'-ri  III.,  palace  un- 
earthed by  Layard,  19  ;  acces- 
sion, 204  ;  religion  of  his  court, 
210;  relations  with  Babylon, 
211  f.;  western  campaigns, 
216  f. ;  eastern  expeditions, 
220;  extent  of  his  empire,  221 

Ad'-ad-shum-u'-9ur,  k,  141 

A'-da-pa,  hero,  31 

Adoption,  80 

Agriculture  in  Babylonia,  72 

A'-gum-kak'-ri-me,  k.  inscription 


of,  122,  124  f.  ;  empire  of, 
126,  129  ;  rebuilding  of  shrine 
at  Babylon,  149 

A'-ga-de,  c,  53 

A-gu'-si,  d,  228  f.,  see  "  Bit 
Agusi " 

A'-hab,  k,  214 

A'-haz,  k,  232,  235,  268 

A'-hi-mil'-ki,  k,  294 

Ah'-la-mi,  p,  159 

A'-i-bur-shab'-u,  sacred  street, 
362 

Ak-er-kuf,  ruin-mound,  15 

A-khar'-ri,  d,  193,  see  "West- 
land  " 

A'-khim-i'-ti,  k,  250 

Akh-sher'-i,  k,  313 

A-khun'-i,  k,  193,  213 

Ak'-kad,  d,  53,  324 

Ak'-ko  (Acre),  c,  312 

A'-la-si'-a,  d,  133 

A-lep'-po,  c,  22 

AlMat,  g,  105 

Al'-man,  d,  125  f. 


406 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


Al-ta'-qu,  c,  270 
A'-lu-shar'-shid,  k,  60 
Al'-zi,  p,  155 
A-raan'-us,  m,  194,  367 
A'-mas-is,  k,  342,  373 
A'-mel-mar'-duk,  k,  349  f. 
A'-men-hot'-ep  III.,  k,  135, 147 
A'-men-hot'-ep  IV.,  134,  147 
American  Expedition  to  Nippur, 

23 
A'- mid,  c,  164,  187,  206 
Am'-mi-dit-a'-na,  k,  113 
Am'-min-ad'-bi,  k,  303 
Am'-mi-za-du'-ga,  k,  113 
Am'-ran,  360 
Am'-ra-phel,  k,  69 
An-da'-ri-a,  k,  313 
An-ma'-nu,  k,  121 
An'-shan,  d,  368 
Antichrist,  Babylon  as,  366 
An'-ti-men'-i-das,  n,  356 
A'-nu,  g,  100,  243 
An-u'-nit,  g,  100 
A'-qa-ba,  gulf  of,  235 
Arabia,  4,  231,  265,  see  "  Aribi  " 
A-rakli'-tu,  canal,  274,  277 
A-ralMu,  31,  104 
A-ra-raa'-da,  c,  194 
A'-ra-me,  k,  218 
Arameans,   migration   of,    180; 

in  west  Mesopotamia,   191  f.; 

in  north  Babylonia,  227 
A-ra'-mi,  p,  140 
A'-ram  na'-ha-ra'-yim,  4 
A'-ra-rat,  m,  218 
A-rax'-es,  r,  208,  220 
Ar'-bakh-a,  e,  207 
Ar-bel'-a,  c.  128,  373 
Arch,  earliest  known,  99 
Architecture,  early  Babylonian, 

98  ;    in  Kassite  period,  145  ; 

early     Assyrian,    153,    171;  I 


under  Ashurna9irpal  III., 
199;  Shalmaneser  11.,  208; 
Tiglathpileser  III ,  225  ;  Sar- 
gon,  259  f.  ;  Sennacherib, 
278  f.  ;  Esarhaddon,  286  ; 
Ashurbanipal,  314  f.;  Neb- 
uchadrezzar II.,  343,  360-364 

Ar-di-belMt,  n,  277 

Ar'-dys,  k,  313 

Ar-gis'-tis  I.,  k,  220 

Ar-gis'-tis  IT.,  252 

A'-ri-bi,  p,  249,  295,  311 

A-rib'-u-a,  c,  195 

A'-ri-och,  k,  69 

Aristocracy,  in  early  Babylonia, 
76;  in  Assyria,  152;  in  new 
Babylonia,  354  f. 

Ar-me'-ni-a,  3,  161-163 

Armenian  Taurus,  m,  162 

Army,  its  composition  in  Assyria, 
223;  under  Ashurna9irpal 
III ,  194  f.  ;  under  Ashurbani- 
pal, 317 

Ar'-pad,  c,  216,  228  f.,  248 

Ar'-pakh-a,  c,  20  6 

Art,  in  Old  Babylonia,  94  ff. ; 
estimate  of  it,  97  ;  in  Kassite 
period,  149,  153  ;  under  Tig- 
lathpileser I.,  171f. ;  Ashur- 
na9irpal  III.,  199  f.;  Shal- 
maneser II.,  208 ;  Sargon, 
260;  Sennacherib,  279  f.  ; 
Esarhaddon,  286  f, ;  Ashur- 
banipal, 315  f. ;  in  New  Baby- 
lonia, 358 

Ar'-vad,  c,  169 

Ar-zash'-ku,  k,  219 

Asa.  k,  214 

Ash'-da-ko9,  k,  324 

Ash'-dod,  c,  250,  271 

Ash'-du-dim'  ma,  c,  250 

Ash'-gu-za,  p,  293 


INDEX  OF  NAMES   AND   SUBJECTS 


407 


Ash'-ke-naz,  293 

Ash-nu'-nak,  d,  125 

A'-shur,    god   of   Assyria,    128, 

152 
A'-shur-akh-id'-din,  k,  277 
A'  shur-ban'-i-pal,  k,  memorials, 
19,  21  f.  ;  accession,  298,  302; 
Egyptian  wars,  303  f. ;    rela- 
tions with  Gyges,  305  ;  wars 
with  Elam,  306,  310  f. ;  rebel- 
lion    of      Shamashshumukin, 
307-310;    Arabian  and  west- 
ern wars,  311-313;  campaigns 
in  north  and  northwest,  313; 
building    operations,    314  f . ; 
library,    22,    315  f.;    person- 
ahty,    316  f.;    administration 
of   empire,    317  f.;     splendor 
of  his  court,  318  f.  ;    darker 
side,  319 
A'-shur-bel-kaMa,  k,  172 
A'-shur-bel-ni-she'-shu,  k,  135 
A'-shur-dan'  I.,  k,  142,  155 
A'-shur-dan'II.,  185 
A'-shur-dan' III ,  204,  217 
A'-shur-dan-in'-pal,  n,  206 
A'-shur-e'-til-iMi,  k,321  f. 
A'-shur-e'-til-u'-kin-ap'-la,  k,  277 
A'-shur-kir'-bi,  k,  178 
A'-shur-mun'-ik,  n,  277 
A'-shur-na'-^ir-pal,  c,  195 
A'-shur-na'-(;ir-pal  I.,  k,  141' 
A'-shur-na'-(;ir-pal  II.,  173 
A'-shur-na'-9ir-pal    III.,    memo- 
rials excavated,   19,  22;    ob- 
elisks of,  19,   141,  169,   178; 
statue  of,  202  ;  stele  of,  188  ; 
accession,  187;  northern  cam- 
paigns, 187-189 ;  eastern  wars, 
189-191;  campaigns  in  west- 
ern   Mesopotamia,    191-193; 
Syrian  expedition,  193  ;  organ- 


ization of  conquests,  194  ff. ; 
cruelty  of,  discussed,  196  f. ; 
building  operations,  199;  esti- 
mate of,  201  f. 

A'-shur-na-din-akh'-i  I.,  k,  136 

A'-shur-na-din-akh'-i  II.,  178 

A'-shur-na-din'-shum,  k,  273  f. 

A'-shur-ni-ra'-ri  II.,  k,  204,  207, 
217 

A'-shur-rish-i'-shi,  k,  159 

A'-shur-u-bal'-lit,  k,  136,  153 

A'-shur-u-tir-a9'-bat,  c,  169 

As'-kal-on,  c,  235,  270,  294 

As'-sur,  old  capital  of  Assyria, 
19,  128,  243 

Assyria,  people  and  land,  127- 
129  ;  origin  of  kingdom,  128  f.; 
first  mention  of,  1 28  ;  religion 
of,  152 ;  its  attitude  toward 
Babylonia,  150  f. ;  military 
bent,  151 ;  early  organization, 
152;  traditional  policy,  160; 
strength  and  weakness  of, 
326-329  ;  contribution  to  his- 
torical progress,  329  f. 

Astronomy,  93  f . 

As-ty'-a-ges,  k,  368,  371 

At-liMa,  c,  195 

Authors,  Babylonian,  89 

A'-za,  k,  251 

Azariah,  k,  230 

A'-zaz,  c,  216 

A-ze'-kah,  c,  341 

A'-zi-ba'-al,  k,  305 

Az'-ri-ya'-u,  k,  230 

A-zu'-ri,  k,  250 

Ba'-al,  king  of  Tyre,  294,  296  f., 

303,  305 
Ba'-a-sha,  k,  214 
Bab'-el,  360 
Bab'-i-te,  pass  of,  189 


408 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND   SUBJECTS 


Babylon,  explorations  and  exca- 
vations on  site  of,  15,  20,  24 ; 
late  appearance  in  history  of 
Old  Babylonia,  53,  107;  first 
dynasty  of,  66  ',  the  capital  of 
Khammurabi's  empire,  115; 
second  dynasty,  121;  third 
dynasty,  121 ;  later  dynasties, 
156,  178;  destroyed  by  Sen- 
nacherib, 276  f.;  rebuilt  by 
Esarhaddon,  287;  in  rebellion 
of  Shamashshumukin,  307- 
310;  under  the  Kaldi,  360- 
364  ;  the  pride  of  Nebucha- 
drezzar II.,  342-345  ;  its  con- 
tributions to  civilization, 
364  £.;  its  fall,  374-376 

Babylonia,  geology  and  geog- 
raphy, 3,  5;  climate  and 
productions,  8-11;  dominant 
forces  of  its  life  in  the  early 
period,  105;  central  situation 
of,  49  f . ;  under  Kassites,  148  ; 
traditional  policy  of,  160;  re- 
lation to  Egypt  in  Kassite 
period,  133  ;  its  problem  for 
Assyria,  266  ;  under  the  Kaldi, 
338,  342  f.,  351  f. 

Babylonian  Chronicle,  212 

Bactria,  d,  148 

Bagdad,  c,  15,  112 

Bag-dat'-ti,  k,  252 

Bah'-li,  c,  216 

Bal'-a-wat,  c,  22 

BaMikh,  r,  4,  6,  191 

Ba'-ra'-se,  d,  60 

Bar-^ur',  k,  230 

Bar-rek'-ub,  k,  233  f. 

Bar-ta'-tu-a,  k,  292 

Bav-i-an',  d,  279 

Ba'-zi,  d,  178 

Ba'-zu,  d,  295 


Be-hist-un',  inscription,  18,  25 
Bel,  god  of  Nippur,  53,  100,  115, 

145;  "taking  the  hands  of," 

158;  see  "  Marduk  " 
Bel'-akh-i-er'-ba,  o,  256 
Bel-ib'-ni,  k,  268,  272  f. 
Ber-ku-dur-u'-9ur,  k,  142 
Bel'-na-din-ap'-lu,  k,  156,  159 
Bel'-ni-ra'-ri,  k,  137 
Bel  pi-kha'-ti,  238 
Bel'-shar-u'-^ur,  k,  372 
Belshazzar,  k,  354,  372,  374-376 
Bel'-shum-id'-din,  k,  142 
Benhadad  II.,  k,  214  f. 
Benhadad  III.  (Mari),  216 
Benjamin  of  Tudela,  15 
Berosus,  38,  323,  349 
Beth  na-ha-rin',  4 
Birs  Nimrud,  c,  20,  22 
Bit  A-di'-ni,  d,  191,  198,  213 
Bit  A-gu'-si,  d,  214 
Bit  A-mu-ka'-ni,  d,  236 
Bit  Da'-i-uk'-ki,  d,  261 
Bit  Da-kur'-ri,  d,  257  f.,  288 
Bit  Ja'-kin,  d,  236 
Bitlis,  r,  188 
Bitumen,  11 
Boc-chor'-is,  k,  247,  249 
Bok-en-renf,  k,  247 
Bor'-sip-pa,  c,  53,  364 
Botta,  18 
Brick-making,  73 
Brotherhood  of  nations,  147 
Bu'-du-il,  k,  294 
Bur'-na-bur'-y-ash  I,,  k,  135  f. 
Bur'-na-bur'-y-ash  II.,  136,  145 
Bur  Sin  II.,  k,  65 
Bu'-sa-los-sor'-us,  o,  324 
By  bios,  c,  194 

Ca'-lah,  see^Kalkhi" 
Cal'-neh,  c,  53 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND   SUBJECTS 


409 


Canals,  72 

Canons  of  the  Tigris  and  Eu- 
phrates, 7  f . 

Caspian  sea,  221,  252 

Cavalry  in  Assyrian  army,  194 

Caucasus,  m,  162 

Ched'-or-la'-o-mer,  k,  69 

China,  148 

Chronicle  of  first  Babylonian 
dynasty,  108 

Chronology,  materials  for,  39-43 

gid'-qa,  k,  270 

gil  Bel,  k,  271,  294 

Cilicia  (see  "Qui"),  182,  216, 
294,  305,  313 

Ci-mir'-ra,  d,  248 

Cities  of  Old  Babylonia,  51-53  ; 
of  Assyria,  152 

Classes  of  society  in  Old  Baby- 
lonia, 75 

Clay,  28 

Clothing  in  Old  Babylonia,  78 

Coat  of  arms,  84 

Coinage,  71,  355 

Colonies  of  Assyria,  196 

Column  in  Old  Babylonia,  99 

Commerce  in  Old  Babylonia,  74 ; 
in  New  Babylonia,  353  f. 

Contracts,  84 

Correspondence,  33 

Cosmogony  of  Old  Babylonians, 
92 

Creation  Epic,  31,  116 

Croesus,  k,  373 

Ctesias,  38 

Ctesiphon,  c,  17 

"  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  of 
Western  Asia,"  21 

Cy-ax'-ar-es,  k,  323,  333 

Cyprus,  250,  255,  294  f. 

Cyrus,  368  f.,  371-376  ;  cylinder 
of,  375 


Da'-gan,  g,  243 

Da'-in  A'-shur,  o,  206 

Da'-i-uk'-ki,  d,  252 

Damascus,  foundation  of  king- 
dom, 83 ;  relations  with 
Assyria,  213,  215,  229,  232- 
234,  248 

Dam-dam-u'-sa,  c,  195 

Dam-ku,  g,  244 

David,  183 

Decimal  System,  93 

Decipherment  of  Babylonio- 
Assyrian  language,  25  ff. 

De'-i-o-ces,  k,  323 

Delitzsch,  26 

Deluge,    Babylonian    story   of, 

.    21  f.,  31,  90 

Dem-a-vend',  m,  228 

Deportation,  Assyrian  policy  of, 
170,  239  f. 

Der,  c,  157 

De  Sarzec,  23 

Descent  of  Ishtar,  31 

Dib'-ba-ra,  g,  31 

Dil'-mun,  island,  259 

Diploma,  ancient  Babylonian, 
86  f. 

Diy-ar'-bekr,  c,  164 

Dun'-gi  I.,  k,  64 

Dun'-gi  II.,  65,  137 

Dur  Assur,  c,  195 

Dur'-at-ka'-ra,  c,  257 

Dur  P-lu,  c,  246,  306 

Dur  Ku'-ri-gal'-zu,  c,  138,  168, 
227 

Dur  Na'-bu,  c,  257 

Dur  Shar-ru'-kin,  c,  18,  259-261 

E'-A,  g,  51,  100 

Eclipse  of    June  15,   763  b.  c, 

41,  207 
ij-din'-gir-a-na'-gin,  k,  59,  83 


410 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


Edom,  d,  232 

E'-gi-bi,  family  of,  355 

Egypt,      Hyksos     invasion    of, 

131  ;     advance     into     Syria, 

132  f. ;  in  Kassite  period,  147 ; 
in  time  of  Sargon,  247,  249; 
conquered  by  Esarhaddon, 
295-297,  300  f.;  under  Ash- 
urbanipal,  303  f.,  320;  in 
time  of  Nebuchadrezzar  II., 
339,  342,  353  ;  of  Cyrus,  373 

E'-kal-la'-ti,  c,  168,  277 

Ekron,  c,  269  ff. 

E'-ku-a,  shrine,  361 

E'-kur,  temple  of  Nippur,  23, 
115,  146 

Elam,  place  and  people,  55  f.  ; 
relations  with  Old  Babylonia, 
60,  63,  64,  65  ;  conquest  of 
Babylonia  and  expulsion,  66- 
68,  109  f . ;  relations  with 
Nebuchadrezzar  I.,  157;  re- 
appearance in  Babylonio- 
Assyrian  politics,  246 ;  rela- 
tions yviih  Sennacherib,  275  ; 
with  Esarhaddon,  290  ;  con- 
quest by  Ashurbanipal,  311 

El'-la-sar  (Larsam),  52 

Engraving,  97 

En  ki,  101 

EnMil  (Bel),  100 

En'-ne-a'-tum,  k,  59 

En'-shag-sag  (kish)'-a-na,  k,  59 

En-te'-men-a,  k,  59;  silver  vase 
of,  95 

Epic,  see  "  Creation  "  and  "  Gil- 
gamesh  " 

Epochs  of  Babylonio-Assyrian 
history,  43-46 

E'-rech,  c,  52 

E'-ri-du,  c,  20,  51  f.,  74 

E-sag'-i-la,  temple,  112 


E'-sar-had'-don,  k,  memorials, 
19,  285  f ,  296  f . ;  governor 
of  Babylon,  277,  285  ;  becomes 
king  of  Assyria,  284  ;  build- 
ing operations,  286  ;  rebuild- 
ing of  Babylon,  287;  policy 
toward  Babylon,  288  ;  east- 
ern and  northern  wars,  291- 
293 ;  western  difficuhies, 
293  f.  ;  Egyptian  wars,  295- 
297;  arrangements  for  the 
succession,  298;  estimate  of, 
298-301 

E-ta'-na,  hero,  31 

E'-tem-en-an'-ki,  shrine,  335 

Ethiopians  in  Egypt,  247,  249, 
295-297,  304 

Eubcea,  148 

Eu-phra'-tes,  r,  source,  course, 
and  relation  to  Babylonian 
life  and  history,  3-6,  162 

Evil-merodach,  k,  349 

Excavations  in  Babylonia  and 
Assyria,  in  middle  ages,  15  ; 
the  preparatory  period,  16  ff.; 
the  heroic  period,  18  ff.  ;  the 
modern  scientific  period,  22 

Expansion,  early  Babylonian, 
58,  106 

Ezekiel,  357 

E'-zi-da,  temple,  112 

Family  in  Old  Babylonia,  79 
Food  in  Old  Babylonia,  78 
"  Four  Regions,"  king  of,  58 
Fresnel,  20 
Furniture  of  Babylonian  house, 

78 
Future  life,  104 

Gam-bu'-li,  p,  257,  290,  306 
Gam'-gum,  c,  254 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


411 


Gath,  c,  250 

Gaza,  c,  232,  248 

Gedaliah,  n,  341 

Gerrha,  c,  354 

Gil'-ga-mesh  Epic,  31,    68,    89, 

91,  105 
Gil'-zan,  d,  188,  190,  219 
Gi'-mil  Sin,  k,  65 
Gi-mir'-rai,  p,  291,  293,  305 
Gir'-ra,  g,  31 
Gish'-ban,  c,  53,  59 
God,  idea  of,  in  old  Babylonian 

religion,  102 
Go'-zan,  c,  206  f. 
Grotefend,  25 
Gu-ba'-ru,  o,  374 
Gu'-de-a,  k,  63,  88 ;  statues  of, 

95;  pantheon  of,  100 
GuMa,  g,  298 
Gur'-gum,  d,  229 
Gu'-ti,  p,  55,  159 
Gu'-ti-um,  d,  69,  125  f. 
Gu-za'-na,  c,  206 
Gyges,  k,  305,  313,  320 

Hadrach,  c,  217 

Halys,  r,  333 

Hamath,  c,  183,  213,  216,  229  f., 
248,  367 

Hanging  Gardens,  22 

Hanno,  k,  232,  248  f. 

Haran,  c,  55,  58,  160,  243,  335, 
368 

Ha-ta'-ri-ka,  c,  217 

Haupt,  26 

Hauran,  d,  215 

Hazael  of  Aribi,  k,  295 

Hazael  of  Damascus,  k,  215 

Ha'-zu,  d,  295 

Hebrew  literature,  influenced 
by  Babylonia,  91,  357;  tradi- 
tions, 131;  kingdom,  182  f. 


Hecatseus,  38 

Hermon,  m,  215 

Herodotus,  38,  323,  356,  374 

Hezekiah,  k,  268,  270  f. 

Hillah,  15 

Hincks,  E.,  25  f. 

Hiram  I.,  k,  183 

Hiram  III.,  367 

Historical  tradition,  absence  of 

continuous,  37 
Hit,  c,  11,  342 
flittites,  see  "  Khatti " 
Hol'-wan,  pass,  74,  157,  186 
Hophra,  k,  341  f. 
Hoshea,  k,  233,   241 
Hunting  a  kingly  work,  82 

I-a-kin'-lu,  k,  303,  305 

T-a'-mut-bal,  d,  67,  110 

I-di'-bi-il,  k,  234 

I-ka-u'-su,  k,  294 

Il-li'-pi,  d,  252,  265 

"  Illumination  of  Bel,"  34 

I-lu-bi'-di  (Ja-u-bi-di),  k,  248 

Tm'-gur  Bel,  c,  206,  208 

Im-me'-rum,  k,  108 

In'-da-bi'-gash,  k,  310 

India,  12,  74 

Indo-European  migrations  in 
Sargon's  time,  253,  291  ;  sup- 
plant Semites  in  world-leader- 
ship, 376 

P-ne  Sin,  k,  65 

Interest,  77 

International  relations  in  Kas- 
site  period,  147  f . ;  politics  in 
15th  century,  133  f . ;  in  time 
of  Tiglathpileser  III.,  226  f. 

I-nuh'-sa-mar,  o,  110 

Inundation  of  Tigris  and  Eu- 
phrates, 7 

I-ran'   205 


412 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


I-ran'-zu,  k,  251 

Ir'-ba  Ad'-ad,  k,  178 

Ir-khul-e'-ni,  k,  214 

Irrigation,  72 

Isaiah,    232,  250,  268 ;    second 

Isaiah,  357 
Ish'-me  Da'-gan,  k,  128 
Ish'-pa-ka,  k,  293 
Ish-pu-i'-nis,  k,  219 
Ish'-tar,    g,    37,    52,    100,    104, 

133,  319 
Ish-tu-ve'-gu,  k,  368 
Isin,  city,  109;  dynasty,  65 
Israel,  213  ;  see  "  Plebrew  "  and 

"  West-land  " 
Issus,  166 
I-ta-ma'-ra,  k,  249 
I-to-ba'-al  I.,  k,  269,  294 
I-to-ba'-al  II.,  342 
I-tu'-ha,  p,  212 

Ja-u'-di,  d,  230 

Jehoahaz,  k,  215 

Jehoiachin,  k,  340,  350 

Jehoiakim,  k,  336,  339 

Jehu,  k,  215 

Jeroboam  II.,  k,  218 

Jerusalem,  c,  235,  341 

Josiah,  k,  322,  346 

Judah,  230,  232;  in  Sargon's 
time,  249  f . ;  under  Senna- 
cherib, 270  f.;  under  Nebu- 
chadrezzar II.,  339-342, 346  f. ; 
see  "  West-land  " 

Judaism,  influenced  by  New 
Babylonia,  359  f. 

Judiciary  under  Khammurabi, 
114 

Ka-caiAlu,  c,  109 
Kad-ash'-man  Bel,  k,  135,  147 
Kad-ash'-man-bu'-ri-as,  k,  141 


Kad-ash'-man-khar'-be,  k,  136 

Kak'-zi,  c,  196 

Kal'-ah  Sher'-gat,  c,  19 

Kaldi,  enter  Babylonia,  181  ;  re- 
lations with  Assyrian  kings, 
211,  236  ;  lords  of  Babylonia, 
334  ;  civilization,  352  f. ;  see 
"  Mardukbaliddin  " 

Kal'-khi,  19,  128;  capital  of 
Assyria,  140;  under  Assyrian 
kings,  190  f.,  201,  321 

Kal-li'-ma  Sin,  k,  138 

Kam-ma'-nu,  d,  254 

Kan-da-la'-nu,  k,  310,  320 

Ka'-ra-in'-dash,  k,  135,  145 

Ka'-ra-khar'-dash,  k,  136 

Ka-ral',  k,  230 

Kar  Ashurna9irpal,  c,  193 

Kar  Esarhaddon,  c,  294 

Ka-ras'-tu,  o,  159 

Kar-dun'-i-ash,  d,  124,  145 

Kar-kash'-shi,  n,  292 

Kar'-khem-ish,  c,  193,  213,  229, 
253  f.;  spoil  of,  199;  tribute 
of,  203  ;  battle  of,  335 

Kar-zi-yabk'-khu,  d,  157  f. 

Ka'-shi-a'-ri,  m,  162 

Kash'-shu,  see  "  Kassites  " 

Kash'-ta-rit,  n,  292 

Kasr,  360 

Kas'-si,  139 

Kassites,  native  home,  123  ;  ap- 
pearance in  Babylonia,  113, 
124  ;  conquest,  124  ;  influence 
on  Babylonian  life,  144  ;  an- 
tagonism of  Assyria  to,  132; 
periods  of  their  rule,  122  f . ; 
literature  under,  145  f.  ;  re- 
ligious policy  of,  145  f. 

Kedarenes,  p,  312 

Ken'-gi,  d,  59 

Kha-bur',  r,  4,  6  f.,  191 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


413 


Kbal'-di-a,  d,  218 

Khal'-dis,  g,  218 

Khal'-la-hi,  c,  112 

Khal-lu'-shu,  k,  273-275 

Khal'-man  (Aleppo),  183,  218, 
228 

Kha-lu'-le,  c,  276 

KhaDi'-mu-ra'-bi,  inscriptions  of, 
109;  wars,  110;  buildings 
and  canals,  111  f . ;  relation  to 
Assur,  128;  organization  of 
his  empire,  114;  services  to 
religion  and  literature,  88, 
115-117 

Kha'-ni,  p,  125 

Kha'-ti,  p,  133 

Kbat'-ti,  p,  139,  155,  165  f. 

Kbe'-bar,  r,  340 

Khin-da'-nu,  c,  216 

Khor'-sa-bad,  c,  18 

Khub-ush'-ki-a,  d,  188,  190, 
219 

Khum'-ba-ba,  k,  68 

Khum-ba'-ni-gash,  k,  246,  306 

Khum'-ma-khal'-dash  I.,  k,  289  f. 

Khum'-ma-khal'-dash  II.,  289  f. 

Khum'-ma-khal'-dash  III.,  310  f., 
319 

Khu-nu'-sa,  c,  167 

Khur'-ba-tiMa,  k,  137 

Khus'-ur,  r,  278  f. 

Kimmerians,  see  "  Gimirrai  " 

Ki'-ne-la-da'-nos,  k,  320 

King,  in  Old  Babylonia,  81  f., 
105  f.  ;  worshipped  as  god, 
66,  82,  147  f.  ;  significance  of, 
in  Babylonia,  236  f.,  307,  356 

Kings'  lists,  41  f. 

Kir,  c,  234 

Kir'-bit,  d,  304 

Kir'-khi,  p,  164,  187  f. 

Kir-ru'-ri,  p,  188,  206 


Kir'-zan,  d,  219 
Kish,  c,  53,  59,  109,  112,  267 
Kou-yun'-jik,  18,  279 
Ku'-dur-lag'-a-mar,  k,  ^9 
Ku'-dur-mab'-uk,  k,  67 
Ku'-dur-na-khun'-di,  k,  67,  275 
Kul-la'-ni,  c,  230 
Ku-lu'-nu,  c,  53 
Ku'-ri-gal'-zu  I.,  k,  134  ff. 
Ku'-ri-gal'-zu  IL,  137  f.,  145 
Kur'-ti,  p,  164 
Ku'-tha,  c,  23,  53 
Ku'-ti,  p,  139 

La'-ba-shi  Marduk,  k,  349 
Labor,  differentiation  of,  73 
La'-bo-so-ar'-chod,  k,  349 
Lachish,  c,  271,  341 
La'-gash,  see  "  Shipurla  " 
Land-making  at  shore  of  gulf,  5 
Land  values   under    Khammu- 

rabi,  114 
Lar'-sam,  c,  20,  52,  66,  67,  112 
Law,  literature  of,  34  ;  of  family, 
79;     importance   of,  'in    Old 
Babylonia,  83  f. 
Layard,  14  f.,  18  f. 
Libnah,  c,  271 

Library,  90  ;  of  Assyrian  kings, 
209  ;  of  Ashurbanipal,  19,  21, 
315  f. 
Li'-mu,  and  limu  lists  in  As- 
syria, 40  f.,  152,  186,  205  f. 
Literature,  relations  of  Baby- 
lonian and  Assyrian,  30 ; 
under  Khammurabi,  116; 
under  Kassites,  150;  under 
Sennacherib,  280  ;.  under  Ash- 
urbanipal, 315  f.;  in  New 
Babylonia,  357;  purpose  of,  in 
Old  Babylonia,  86 ;  forms,  87 ; 
religious  element,  31:  histor- 


414 


INDEX  Of  NAMES  AND  SUBJ15CTS 


ical  element,  32  ;  diplomatic 
and  legal,  33  f. ;  scientific,  34 ; 
light,  35  ;  general  character- 
ist'cs,  35  f.,  88  £.  ;  value  and 
influence  of,  90  f. 

Loftus,  20 

Lu-bar'-na,  k,  193 

Lub'-di,  p,  313 

Lu'-gal-zag'-gi-si,  k,  60 

LuMi,  k,  268 

LulMu-bi,  p,  55,  139,  157,  159 

Lu'-ti-pris,  k,  218 

Lydia,  305,  313,  320,  333,  373 

Ma'-dai,  220;  see  "Media," 
etc. 

Madyes,  k,  323 

Ma'-i-9a,  c,  194 

Ma'-i-ra'-tu,  73 

Ma'-khal-la'-ta,  c,  194 

Ma'-rai-ti-ar'-shu,  k,  290 

Manasseh,  k,  294,  303,  312 

Man'-9u-a'-te,  c,  216  f. 

Man'-da,  see  "Media,"  etc. 

Man'-riai,  p,  220,  251,  291  f.,  313 

Manufacturing  in  Old  and  New 
Babylonia,  73  f.,  353  f. 

Mar,  c,  52,  73 

Ma-rash',  c,  216 

Mar'-duk,  god  of  Babylon,  53, 
100,  107,  115,  117,  125,  337, 
348,  358,  375 

Mar'-duk-bal-id'-din  I.,  k,  17, 
142,  149  f. 

Mar'-duk-bal-id'-din  IT.,  of  Bit 
Jakin,  first  appearance  of, 
236;  wars  with  Sargon,  246  £., 
257-259;  king  in  Babylon, 
255-257,  267;  wars  with  Sen- 
nacherib, 267,272;  influence 
in  the  west,  269  ;  disappear- 
ance of,  273 


Marduk-bel-u-sa'-te,  k,  210 

Marduk-na-din-akh'-i,  k,  156, 
168,  277 

Marduk-na-din'-shum,  k,  210 

Marduk-sa-pik-zer'-im,  k,  172 

Marduk-za-kir'-shum,  k,  269 

Ma'-ri  (Ben  Hadad  III),  k,  216 

Marriage  in  Babylonia,  79 

Mar'-tu,  see  "  West-land,"  113 

Ma'-si-us,  m,  162 

Ma-tan-ba'-al,  k,  294 

Mathematics  among  the  Baby- 
lonians, 93 

Ma'-ti-iMu,  k,  228  f. 

Ma-za'-mu-a,  d,  206,  220 

Medes,  appearance,  220 ;  under 
Esarhaddon,  291  ;  under  As- 
hurbanipal,  313,  321;  tradi- 
tions of,  323  ;  Are  they  the 
Manda  ?  333 ;  relations  to 
Nabuna'id,  368 

Media,  228 

Median  Wall,  343 

Medicine,  93,  147 

Megiddo,  c,  322 

Menahem,  k,  231 

Menander  of  Tyre,  240  f.,  270, 
367 

Men'-u  as,  k,  220 

Mer-ba'-al,  k,  367 

Mercenaries  in  Assyria,  262  f., 
328 

Merchants,  76 

Mes'-i-lim,  k,  59 

Mesopotamia,  geology  and  geog- 
raphy of,  3  f. ;  climate  and 
productions.  8-10;  fauna,  10 

Metre  in  Babylonian  poetry,  31 

Michanx.  17 

Migrations,  179  f. 

Mil' dish,  d,  165 

Mi'-lid,  c,  166,  216,  220,  229,  254 


INDEX  OF  NAMES    AND  SUBJECTS 


415 


Mi-!i-shi'-kliu,  k,  142,  149 
Military,  see  "  Army  " 
Mil'-ki-a-sha'-pa,  k,  294 
Mi-lukh'-kha,  d,  250 
Minean  Kingdom,  180 
Mi'-ta,  k,  251,  253-255 
Mi-tan'-ni,  d,  133 
Mi-tin'-na,  k,  235 
Mi-tin'-ti   of   Ashdod,    k,    250, 

270f. 
Mi-tin'-ti  of  Askalon,  k,  294 
Money,  see  "  Coinage" 
Mo-sul',  c,  15 

Mu-bal'-li-tat-sir-u'-a,  q,  136 
Mu9'-ri,  p,  (northern)  140,  166; 

(southern)  233  f.,  241,  248  f., 

270 
Mu9'-ur,  d,  248 
Mu9-u'-ri,  294 
Mugheir,  see  "  Ur  " 
]\Iu-kal'-lu,  k,  305 
Mu-ra'-shu,  family,  355 
Mu-she'-zib  Marduk,  k,  275  f. 
Mush'-khi,  p,  155,  251,  253-255 
Mu'-tak-kil  Nus'-ku,  k,  156 
Mut-ki'-nu,  c,  169,  178 

Nabateans,  312 

Nabonassar,  see   "  Nabuna^ir," 

39 
Na'-bu,  g,  53,  100,  210,  321,  348, 

358,  364 
Na'-bu-a-pal-id'-din,  k,  23,  181 
Nabu-ba-lat-su-iq'-bi,  n,  367 
Nabu-bel-shu'-me,  n,  310 
Xabu-ku-dur'-ri-u'-9ur,  k,  335 
Nabu-na  9ir,  k,  212,  236 
Nabu-na'-din-zi'-ri,  k,  236 
Nabu-na'-'id.    k,    memorials  of, 
23,   24,  322,  324,  335,  349  f., 
352;  a  Babylonian,  367;  ac- 
tivity in  the  west,  367  f. ;  re- 


lation to  Medes,  368  ;  attitude 
towards  Cyrus,  368  ;  his  an- 
tiquarian  researches,  42,  369- 
371;  building,  371;  policy, 
371  f,,  374;  last  year  of  his 
reign,  374  f. 
Nabu-pal-id'-din,  k,  192,  210 
Nabu-pal-u'-9ur,    k,    322,    324, 

325,  333-337 
Nabu  shum-ish'-kun,  k,  186 
Nabu-shum-li'-sher,  n,  337 
Nabu-shura-u'-kin,  k,  236 
Nabu-zer'-na-pish'-ti-li'-shir,    n, 

289 
Xa-§i-bi'-na,  c,  206 
Na-di'-nu,  k,  236 
Nahr-el-kelb',  r,  159,  297 
Xah-ri'-na,  d,  4 
Nahum,  322,  325 
Na'-id  Marduk,  n,  290 
Na-i'-ri,  p,  166,  169, 187  f.,  231 
Na-khi'-ru,    sea   monster,    169, 

194 
Na'-mar,  d,  157 
Nam'-ri,  p,  228 
Na'-na,  of  Uruk,  g,  67 
Na-qi'-a,  q,  278,  290,  302 
Na'-ram  Sin,  k,   memorials  of, 
24,  61  ff,   78,  95;    career  of, 
63;  date  of,  42,  61,  370  f. 
Na'-zi-bu'-gas,  k,  137 
Na'-zi-mar-ut'-tash,  k,  139 
Neb-i-yun'-us,  18,  279 
Nebuchadrezzar  I.,  156;  ejects 
the  Elamites,   157;   his   deed 
of  gift,  157  ;  his  western  cam- 
paign, 158  f. 
Nebuchadrezzar  TI.,  memorials, 
1 7,  20  ;  accession,  336  f. ;  cam- 
paign    against      Xecho     II., 
335  f. ;  Median  alliance,  324, 
838  ;  administration  of,  338  f.; 


416 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND   SUBJECTS 


wars  in  the  west,  339-342  ; 
works  for  Babylonia,  22, 
342  f . ;  estimate  of  his  poUcy, 
343-347;  his  religion  and 
person  aUty,  347-349 

Necho  I.,  297,  304 

Necho  II.,  322,  33.6  f.,  339 

Ner'-gal,  g,  53,  100 

Nergal-shar-u'-^ur,  k,  349  f., 
354 

Nergal-u-she'-zib,  k,  274  f. 

Neriglissar,  k,  349 

New  Babylonia,  under  the  Kaldi 
a  renaissance  of  Old  Baby- 
lonia, 352  ;  literature,  352  f. ; 
revival  of  agriculture  and  in- 
dustry, 353  f,;  disappearance 
of  old  aristocracy,  354  f . ;  city 
life  intensified,  355  ;  fashion, 

355  ;  the  family,  356  ;   army, 

356  f. ;     literature    and    art, 

357  f.;    religion   and  moralsy 

358  f. 

Ni-bar'-ti  Ashur,  c,  193 

Niebuhr,  16 

Niflfer,  see  "  Nippur  " 

Nim'-me,  d,  188 

Nim'-mu-ri'-ya,  k,  147 

Nim-rud',  c,  16,  19,  22 

Ni'-na,  g,  92 

Nin'-e-veh,  c,  15,  22,  128  ;  Sen- 
nacherib's   capital,     278 ;    its 
area  and  fortifications,  278  f. 
under      Ashurbanipal,     314 
traditions  of  its  fall,  323-324 
date  of  its  capture,  326 

Nin-gir'-su,  g,  100 

Nin'-ib,  g,  112,  191 

Ninib-a'-pal-e'-kur,  k,  142 

Ninus,  k,  358 

Nip'-pur,  c,  20,  23,  52  f.,  74, 
145,  322 


Ni'-pur,  m,  265 
Nir'-bi,  p,  189 
Ni-sa'-ba,  g,  314 
Ni'-san,  94 
Ni'-si-bis,  c,  206 
Nis'-roch,  g,  278 
Ni-to'-cris,  q,  354 
Nowawis,  see  "  Eridu  *' 
Nu'-khush-ni'-shi,  canal,  111 
Nur  Ad'-ad,  k,  6Q 
Nus'-ku,  g,  278 

O-an'-nes,  hero,  51  f. 
Officials  in  Assyria,  196 
Oman,  d,  12 
Omri,  k,  214  ;  "  land  of  Omri," 

216 
Opis,  c,  374;  see  "  Api " 
Oppert,  20,  25  f. 
Orontes,  r,  193 

Pa'-dan,  d,  125  f. 

IV-di,  k,  269,  271 

Pa'-'e,  k,  311,  319 

Pa-gu'-tu,  169,  194 

Pa-las'-tu,  d,  216 

Pan-ani'-mu,  k,  son  of  Karal,  230 

Pan-am'-mu,  k,  son  of  Bar  9«r, 
230,  231,  233  f. 

Paq-ru'-ru,  k,  304 

Parallelism  in  Babylonian  poe- 
try, 36 

Par'-su-a,  d,  220 

Parties,  strife  of,  in  Assyria, 
223  f.  ;  under  Sargon  II  ,  243  ; 
under  Esarhaddon,  288  f. ;  in 
Babylonia  under  the  Kaldi, 
387  f.,  350,  371  f.,  374 

Pa'-she,  dynasty  of,  156 

Pa'-te-si,  o,  81,  128 

Pa'-tin,  d,  183,  193,  205,  213, 
216,  228 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


41T 


Pekah,  k,  232  f. 

Penitential  Psalms,  102 

Persian  gulf,  5 

Persians,  in  Elam,  321  ;  under 
Cyrus,  368 

Philistines,  182,  232 

Phoenician  artists  in  Assyria, 
153 

Phraortes,  k,  323 

Phrygia,  c,  182,  291 

Pi'-ru,  k,  249 

Pi'-sa-mil'-ku,  k,  304 

Pi-si'-ris,  k,  253 

Place,  Victor,  18 

Poetry,  early  Babylonian,  89 

Post  system,  114 

Property,  77 

Provincial  government  in  Assyr- 
ian Empire,  238,  2G1  f.,  300, 
317;  in  New  Babylonia,  34  7 

Psamtik  I.,  k,  304,  320,  323 

Ptolemy,  Canon  of,  39,  212,  320, 
322 

Pu'-di-iMu,  k,  137 f. 

Pul  (Pulu),  k,  231,  236 

Pur  Sa-ga'-li,  o,  41 

Pur'-u-kuz'-zi,  p,  155 

Pu'-zur-a'-shur,  k,  135 

Qar'-qar,  c,  214,  248 
Qa'-ush-gab'-ri,  k,  294 
Qi'-pu,  o,  19G,  234 
Quadruple  Alliance  373 
Qu'-i  (Cilicia),  d,  216,  229,  254 
Qu-ma'-ni,  d,  167 
Qum'-mukh,  d,  155,  164  f.,  187, 
205,  229,  255 

Ka-cap'-pa,  c,  205 
Ra-da'-nu,  r,  7 
Rameses  II.,  k,  146 
Ra-phi'-a,  c,  249 


Ra-pi'-khi,  c,  249 
Rassam,  H.,  19,  21  f. 
Rawlinson,  Sir  Henry,  18,  20  f., 

25  f. 
Reading   and    writing    in    Old 

Babylonia,  87,  90 
Religion,    of     Old     Babylonia, 

100  f. ;  central  in  life,  80,  105  ; 

influence   on    science,    92  ;  in 

literature  31f.,88;   estimate 

of,  132  f.  ;  of  Assyria,  152  f; 

under  Adadnirari   III.,  210; 

in  New  Babylonia,  358  f. 
Rent,  72 
Res'-eph,  c,  205 
Rezon,  k,  232-254 
Rich,  C.  J.,  16  f. 
Ri'-khat,  227,  258 
Rim  Sin,  k,  67,  109  f. 
Rit'-ti  Marduk,  n,  157 
Robinson,  Edward,  17 
Royal  Road,  166 
Ruins  of  Mesopotamian  cities,  15 
Ru'-sas  I.,  k,  251 


Sa'-ba,  d,  249 

Sa'-ba-ra'-hin,  c,  240 

Sabbath,  104 

Sabeans,  180,  234 

SaMs,  c,  297 

Sa'-khi,  p,  313 

Sa-raaK,  d,  183,  213,  229,  255, 

296 
Samaria,  214,  241  f.,  245,  248 
Sam'-mu-ra'-mat,  q,  211 
Sam'-si,  q,  234,  249 
Sam'-si-mu-ru'-na,  k,  294 
Sam'-su-di-ta'-na,  k,  113 
Sam'-su-il-u'-na,  k,  109,  112  f. 
San'-da-sar'-me,  k,  305 
San'-du-aiZ-ri,  k,  294 


27 


418 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND   SUBJECTS 


San'-ga-ra,  k,  193 

Sa'-pi-a,  c,  236 

Sar'-a-cus,  k,  323  f. 

Sar'-da  na-pa'-lus,  k,  318,  323  f. 

Sar-dur'-is  I.,  k,  218 

Sar-diii'-is  IT.,  219 

Sar-dur'-is  TIT.,  229 

Sar-durMs  IV.,  313 

Sargon  I.,  of  Agade,  inscrip- 
tions and  career  of,  61  ff.  ; 
date  of,  42,  370  ;  services  to 
literature,  88 

Sargon  II  ,  of  Assyria,  accession, 
242  f.;  political  and  religious 
policy,  243-245  ;  Babylonian 
difficulties  and  triumphs,  245  f., 
255-259;  western  expeditions, 
248-250 ;  in  the  north  and 
northwest,  250-255  ;  his  new 
city  and  palace,  18,  259-261; 
his  administration  and  organ- 
ization of  the  Empire,  261- 
264  ;  death,  264 

Sayce,  A.  H.,  26 

Schrader,  E.,  26 

Science  in  Old  Babylonia,  34, 
92 

Scythians,  293,  323 

Seal  cylinders,  96,  355 

Sem-ir'-a-mis,  q,  212,  358 

Semitic  population  of  Babylonia, 
54 

Sen'-ke-reh,  see  "  Larsam  " 

Sen-nach'-er-ib,  crown  prince, 
253  ;  accession,  264  ;  Baby- 
lonian difficulties,  266-268, 
272-277,  168;  western  cam- 
paigns, 269-272,  265;  naval 
expedition,  273  f . ;  family 
troubles,  277  f.  ;  building  op- 
erations, 19,  278  f.,  estimate 
of  his  work,  280-283 


Se'-we  (So),  k,  241 
Sha'-ba-ko,  k,   249 
Sha'-hi,  k,  241 
Sha'-bi-to'-ku,  k,  295 
Shak'-kan-ak  Bel,  262,  289 
Shak'-nu,  o,  196 

Shal-man-e'-ser    I.,    capital    at 

Kalkhi,   19,   140;   campaigns, 

139-141;  temple-building,  153 

Shalmaneser  II.,  memorials,  19, 

204,    208;    tribute    list,    205; 

campaigns  in  Babylonia,  210  f. ; 

western      expeditions,      213- 

216;  wars  with  Urartu,  219; 

rebellion  of  his  son,  206  ;  his 

public  works,  207  f.  ;  religion, 

209  ;  art  of  his  time,  22,  208 

Shalmaneser  III.,  204,  220 

Shalmaneser  IV.,   237,240-242 

Shal-man'-u-a-shar'-i-du,  153 

Sham'-ash,    sun    god,    52,     100, 

292,  359,  370,  371 
Sham'-ash-mu-dam'-miq,  k,  186 
Sham'-ash-shum-u'-kin,    k,    298, 

302,  307-310 
Sham'-shi  Ad'-ad  I.,  k,  128 
Sham'-shi  Ad'-ad  III.,  172 
Shara'-shi  Ad'-ad  IV.,  monolith, 
19  ;  campaigns  in  Babylonia, 
211  ;  wars  with  Urartu,  219 
Sha-nit'-ka,  g,  244 
Shar-ga'-ni-shar-a'-li,  see  "  Sar- 
gon I." 
Shar  Kish-sha'-ti,  o,  140 
Shar'-ru-i'-lu,  g,  244 
Shar'-ru-lu-da'-ri,  k,  304 
Shar'-ru-u'-kin,  k,  243 
Shatt-el-IIai,  canal,  52 
Shesh'-onk  I.,  k,  185 
Shir-purMa,  c,  23,  52,  59 
Shu-ba'-ri,  p,  165,  167,  324,  335 
Shu-bar'-ti,  p,  165 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


419 


Shu'-ka-mu'-na,  g,  125 

Shu-mash'-ti,  p,  165 

Shumer  and  Akkad,  d,  58 

Shu-par'-shak,  o,  238,  245 

Shup'-ri-a,  c,  293 

Shu'-tur-na-khun'-di,  k,  256,  258 

Shu'-zub,  the  Babylonian,  274 

Shu'-zub,  the  Kaldean,  272,  275 

Si'-bi,  k,  249 

Sidon,  c,  194,  215  ;  favored  by 
Sennacherib,  269,  274;  re- 
bellion and  subjugation  of, 
293  f. 

Si-ma'-nu,  month,  73 

Sin,  moon  god,  52,  100 

Sinai,  74 

Sin-id'-din-am,  k,  BG,  67 

Sin-id'-din-am,  o,  110 

Sin-ga-miK,  k,  65 

Sin-ga-shid',  k,  65 

Sin'-mu-bal'-lit,  k,  108  f,  110 

Sin'-shar-ish'-kun,  k,  321  f. 

Sin'-shum-li'-sir,  k,  322 

Sin-ukh'-tu,  d,  253 

Sip'-par,  c,  23  f.,  53,  112,  168, 
374 

Slavery  and  slaves,  75 

Smith,  George,  21  f. 

So  (Sewe),  k,  248  f. 

Solomon,  183 

Sparta,  373 

Spirit  worship,  101 

Saint  Albert,  Emmanuel  de,  16 

State,  Early  Babylonian,  80  f. 

Sub'-nat,  r,  7 

Su'-khi,  p,  192 

Sumerian  problem,  philological 
side,  29  f.  ;  historical  side, 
54  ;  theoretic  constructions  of 
early  history,  61 

Su'-mu-a'-bu,  k,  108 

Su-mu'-l9,-iMu,  k,  108  f. 


Su'-ru,  p,  191  f. 

Surveying,  77 

Su'-sa,  c,  306,  311 

Su'-ti,  p,  136,  139,  181,  256 

Su-zi'-gas,  k,  137 

"  Synchronistic  History,"  33, 
126,  209 

Syria,  under  Babylonian  influ- 
ence, 132,  154;  under  Egyp- 
tian rule,  133;  advance  about 
1000  B.  c,  182-184  ;  leading 
states  in  time  of  Shalmaneser 
11.,  213  ;   see  "  West-land" 

Ta-bal',  d,  216,  229,  253  f., 
265,  305 

Tablets  of  clay,  90 

Tab'-u-a,  q,  295 

Ta-har'-qa,  k,  295,  297,  303  f. 

Talbot,  Fox,  25  f. 

Ta-li'-mu,  337  f. 

Tam'-ma-ii'-tu,  k,  306,  310,  319 

Tan'-da-ma'-ni,  k,  304 

Tanis,  c,  183 

Ta-nut'-a-mon,  k,  304 

Tar'-qu,  see  "  Taharqa  " 

Tarsus,  c,  216 

Tar'-zi,  c,  216 

Tash-ri'-tu,  month,  72 

Tas'-shi-gu-ru'-mash,  k,  125 

Taurus,  m,  6  f.,  162 

Taxation,  72,  83 

Taylor,  J.  E.,  20 

Tef'-nakht,  k,  247 

TeMa,  c,  196 

Tel  Ede,  see  "  Mar  " 

Tel-el- A-mar'-na  letters,  33,  134 

Tel  Ibrahim',  see  "  Kutha" 

Tello',  see  "  Shirpurla  " 

Te'-ma,  c,  372 

Temple,  centre  of  ancient  Baby- 
lonian life,  80,  98,  223 


420 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


Tenant  farmers,  72,  76 

Ter'-e-don,  c,  353 

Te-um'-man,  k,  306,  318 

Te-ush'-pa,  k,  291 

Text  books,  86 

Thar'-oal,  k,  69 

Thebes,  297,  304 

Thutmose'  III.,  134 

Ti'-a-mat,  g,  103,  116 

Ti'-dal,  k,  69 

Tig'-lath-pi-le'-ser  I. ,  memorials, 
26,  32,  128,  169,  171  f.  ;  ac- 
cession, 160 ;  northwestern 
wars,  164  f.,  169  ;  western  ex- 
peditions, 168  f. ;  Babylonian 
war,  168;  Elamite  campaign, 
169  ;  policy  of  expansion,  166 ; 
incorporation,  170;  organiza- 
tion of  concpiests,  1 70  ;  eco- 
nomic measures,  171  ;  art  in 
his  time,  171  f .  ;  length  of 
reign,  169 

Tiglathpileser  11. ,  185 

Tiglathpileser  III.,  accession, 
207,  224,  227  ;  religion  in 
his  reign,  224  ;  memorials, 
225  f. ;  Babylonian  campaigns, 
227,  235  ;  Eastern  wars,  228  ; 
wars  in  the  west,  228-231, 
232-235  ;  campaigns  against 
Urartu,  231  f.  ;  king  of  Baby- 
lon, 236  f. ;  estimate  of,  as  an 
organizer  of  empire,  237-240 

Tigris,  r,  source,  3,  162;  course 
and  characteristic  features,  7 

Til  Ab'-ni,  c,  206 

Time  in  Old  Babylonia,  94 

Titles,  early  royal,  58 

Totality,  king  of,  58 

Tower  of  Babel,  15 

Triads  of  gods,  101,  244 

Tribute,     gathered    from    con- 


quered lands  described,  19S; 

under  Shalmaneser  II,  204  f.  ; 

list  of  734  B.  c,  234  ;  of  Esar- 

haddon,  294;  of  Ashurbanipal, 

303 
Tug-dam'-mi,  k,  313 
Xu-kul'-ti-a'-shur-aQ'-bat,  c,  1 95 
Tu-kul'-ti  Nin'-ib  I.,  k,  141,  237 
Tu-kul'-ti  Nin'-ib  II  ,  186 
Tul-liz',  c,  306 
Tur'-nat,  r,  17,  374 
Tur'-tan,  o,  40,  204 
Tur-us'-pa,  c,  231 
Tush'-kha,  c,  189,  196,  206 
Tu-tam'-mu,  k,  229 
Tyre,  183,   194,  215,  229,    235, 

241,  268  f.,  270,  296  f.,  342, 

367 

U'-A-i'-TE,  k,  311,  319 

U-alMi,  k,  313 

U'-da,  c,  195 

U-ish'-dish,  k,  251  f. 

U-kar-i'-nu,  wood,  194 

U-kin'-zir,  k,  236 

Uk'-nu,  r,  227,  257  'j 

UMa,  r,  157,  306 

Ul-lu-su'-nu,  k,  252 

U'-lul-a'-a,  k,  240 

Um'-man-man'-da,  p,  324  f. 

Um'-man-me-na'-nu,  k,  275,  289 

Un'-qi,  d,  228  f. 

U'-pi,  c,  168,  274,  374 

Ur,  c,  excavations,  20  ;  position 
and  importance,  52,  74,  181  ; 
dynasties  of,  64  f. ;  in  iater 
history,  308  f. 

Ur-ar'-tu,  d,  rise  of,  182;  early 
culture,.,of,  209,  219;  early 
history,  218  f . ;  wars  with 
Shalmaneser  II.,  and  his 
house,    207,    219-221;    war? 


INDEX   OF  NAMES   AND   SUBJECTS 


421 


with  Tiglathpileser  III., 
228  f.,  ^31  f.  ;  in  Sargon's 
time,  251  f . ;  in  Esarhaddon's 
time,  284  f.,  291,  293  ;  in  time 
of  Ashurbanipal,  312,  321 

Ur-a'-si,  o,  196 

Ur  Ba'-u,  k,  63 

Ur  Gur,  k,  64,  98 

Ur-mi'-a,  lake  of,  219,  221 

Ur  Ni'-na,  k,  59,  83,  94 

Ursa  III.  (Rusas),  313 

Ur-ta'-ki,  k,  290,  306 

Ur'-u-a-zag'-ga,  c,  121 

Ur'-uk,  c,  excavations,  20  ;  posi- 
tion, 52  ;  early  history,  So, 
67  f.;  in  later  times,  275, 
308  f.,  322 

Ur'-u-kag'-in-a,  k,  72 

LV-u-ki,  c,  121 

Ush-pi'-na,  k,  219 

U'-shu,  wood,  194,  312 

U-tar'-gu,  k,  290 

Uzziah,  k,  230 

Van,  lake  of,  163  ;  city  of,  231 
Vulture  stele,  59,  83,  95 

Wages,  75 

War'-ka,  see  "  Uruk  " 

West-land,  early  conquests  by 
Babylonian  kings,  60,  63,  66, 
69,  113;  in  Kassite  period, 
154;  entered  by.  Nebuchad- 
rezzar L,  158;  by  Tiglath- 
pileser L,  169  f,;  by  Ashur- 
na9irpal  III.,  193;  under 
Shalmaneser  II.,  213-216; 
under  his  successors,  216  f . ; 
under  Tiglathpileser  III, 
228  f.,  232  f.;  under  Sargon, 


245-250 ;  under  Sennacherib, 
268-272;  under  Esarhaddon, 
293-295 ;  under  Ashurbanipal, 
308,  312;  under  Necho  II., 
322  ;  under  Nebuchadrezzar 
II.,  338  f.;  under  Nabuna'id, 
367 

Wife  in  Old  Babylonia,  80 

"  Wisdom,"  Babylonian,  31 

Women  rulers,  66 

Worship  in  Old  Babylonia,  103  f. 

Writing,  origin,  and  character 
of  Babylonio- Assyrian,  26  f.  ; 
material  basis  of,  27 

Ya-i'-lu,  k,  295,  311 
Yal'-man,  m,  186 
Year,  agricultural,  72 
Yem'-en,  d,  74 

Zab,  upper  and  lower,  r,  7, 140 
Za-bi'-bi,  q,  231 
Za'-bil  ku-du'-ri,  o,  196 
Za'-bum,  k,  108  f. 
Zag-mu'-ku,  festival,  361 
Zagros,  m,  4,  12 
Za-ma'-ma,  g,  112 
Za-ma'-ma-shum-id'-din,  k,  142 
Za'-mu-a,  d,  189,  198 
Zar'-i-lab,  c,  112 
Zar-pa'-nit,  g,  125 
Zechariah,  357 
Zedekiah,  k,  340  f. 
Zi  ki'-a,  101 
Zi  a'-na  101 
Zi-kir'-tu,  d,  251  f. 
Zig'-gu-rat,  98,  361 
Zobah,  d,  183 
Zu,  g,  31 


422      INDEX  OF   OLD   TESTAMENT   REFERENCES 


INDEX   OF   OLD   TESTAMENT   EEFERENCES 


Genesis 

xiv.  69,  110 

I  Samuel  xxx.  8,  292 

I  Kings 

xxii.  5,  15,  292 

II  Kings 

5  xiv.  23-29,  218 

(( 

XV.  19,  20,  231 

M 

XV.  26,  233 

tl 

xvi.  5,  232 

U 

xvi.  9,  234 

tl 

xvi.  10  ff.,  235 

il 

xvii.  3,  4,  241 

U 

xvii.  24-41,  317 

tl 

xviii.  5,  217 

11 

xviii.  and  xix.,  271 

11 

xix.  36  f.,  278 

{( 

XX.  1,  268 

(( 

XX.  12  f.,  269 

(( 

xxiv.  1,  336 

u 

xxiv.  2,  340 

11 

xxiv.  3,  339 

It 

xxiv.  7,  339 

II  Kings  XXV.  27  ff.,  350 
II  Chronicles  xxviii.  17,  18,  232 
"  xxxiii.  11,  312 

"  xxxvi.  6  f.,  339 

Ezra  iv.  2,  800 
"     iv.  10,  317 
Isaiah  vii.  1-4,  232 
"       XX.  3,  250 
"       xxxvi.  and  xxxvii,,  271 
Jeremiah  xxvii,  3,  341 
xxix.  3,  341 
"  xxxiv.  7,  341 

"  xlvi.  2,  335 

"  xlix.  29,  340 

"  li.  59,  341 

Ezekiel  xvii.  4,  5,  354 
"        xxiii.  14  f.,  356 
"       xlvii.  16,  240 
Nahum  ii.  1,  325 
Habakkuk  i.  8,  9,  357 


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